MauledAgain

Section 1008 of the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act of 2009 as passed by the House-Senate Conference allows purchasers of qualified motor vehicles to deduct the sales taxes paid on the purchase of a qualified motor vehicle. Only the sales tax paid on the first $49,500 of the purchase price qualify. The deduction is phased out if the taxpayer's modified adjusted gross income exceeds $125,000, and is fully phased out once it exceeds $135,000. A qualified motor vehicle is a passenger automobile, a light truck treated as a passenger automobile for purposes of the Clean Air Act provided it does not weigh more than 8,500 pounds, a motorcycle that does not weigh more than 8,500 pounds, and a motor home. The original use of the vehicle must begin with the taxpayer. The deduction is available both to those who itemize and those who claim the standard deduction, because the deduction is added to what would otherwise be the standard deduction. The deduction is not available to taxpayers who elect to deduct state sales taxes in lieu of state income taxes, almost always a decision made by taxpayers in states without income taxes, because these taxpayers already are deducting the sales tax in question. The provision is effective for purchases made on or after date of enactment in taxable years ending after the date of enactment but does not include purchases made after December 31, 2009.

The question is how does this deduction stimulate the economy. There are two elements to this inquiry. First, there is the assumption that an increase in the number of people purchasing new vehicles during 2009 stimulates the economy, presumably by creating jobs in the auto industry and in the secondary industries that derive business from the auto industry. Second, there is the assumption that the tax savings from deducting the sales tax on the purchase of a new vehicle will cause more people to purchase vehicles than otherwise would have purchased vehicles.

Whether an increase in the number of people purchasing new vehicles during 2009 will stimulate the economy is a debatable point, but at least it is a plausible proposition. This is not the aspect of the question that generates the greatest concern.

It is highly questionable that the tax savings from deducting the sales tax on the purchase of a new vehicle will increase the number of people purchasing new vehicles during 2009 by more than an insignificant few, when compared to the number of people who would have purchased new vehicles in the absence of the deduction. The reason for this conclusion is that the efficacy of the deduction is weak.

Consider that most people who purchase new vehicles do so by trading in their currently owned vehicle. In many states, the sales tax is imposed on the amount paid net of trade-in allowance. Also consider that the people permitted to claim this deduction are most likely to be purchasing vehicles in the lower end of the automobile retail price range. When these two factors are combined, the amount of sales tax paid by someone could be as little as several hundred dollars or perhaps as much as $2,000. The tax savings to someone in the 10%, 15% or 25% marginal tax bracket ranges from as little as $30 to at most $500.

For how many people is $30, $100, $300, or even $500 the critical factor in deciding to purchase a $15,000, $20,000, or $30,000 vehicle? If a person does not have the financial werewithal to make the purchase absent the tax savings, it is highly unlikely that this small tax savings, most likely showing up in early 2010 in the form of a larger refund or smaller tax due remittance, will trigger an automobile purchase in 2009. For people without jobs, the question of a new car purchase is a non-starter. For people fearing loss of an existing job, the focus is on saving up a nest egg in case the pink slip arrives, and a new vehicle purchase is not on the to-do list. For people trying to deal with increased living expenses while facing pay freezes or pay cuts, undertaking a transaction that increases monthly outlays isn't going to happen. For those in dire need of a vehicle because the existing vehicle has reached the end of its days, or because life without a vehicle has become impossible, the most efficient path is to acquire a used vehicle, something for which the deduction is not available.

Folks who were planning on purchasing a new car during 2009 receive a windfall. They will be getting a small tax savings for doing something that they would have been doing in any event. What will they do with the tax savings? Everything else being equal, presumably they will save it. This stimulates the economy only to the extent that the bank in which they deposit the money chooses to lend it, in turn, to someone who will use the borrowed funds to engage in economically stimulative behavior. That's a fairly inefficient way to move stimulus payments payments into the economy.

When I teach the basic tax course, though I have no time to examine credits in any detail and am constrained to dealing only with the general nature of a credit, I do manage to squeeze in an example of the tax policy issue that questions the effectiveness, let alone efficiency, of using tax credits to influence behavior. My favorite is the adoption credit. I tell my students I can imagine a couple sitting around and deciding, "Hey, we get a $10,000 credit for adopting a child. Let's go get one." The point is that $10,000 isn't worth the decision if the couple doesn't have the prospect of a good chunk of income over the next 18 or more years to support the child. Again, the $10,000 is hardly the make-or-break tipping point of the adoption decision.

Though the notion that federal spending, either of tax revenue or borrowed money, will stimulate the economy, that notion ought not support the contention that any infusion of money into the economy is fiscally stimulative. It would make much more sense, for example, to invest the money in assets, such as infrastructure, schools, homeless shelters, prisons, and energy facilities, because the outlay would be matched, at least to some extent, by the production of an asset owned by the government and because there would be no doubt that the outlay would create and preserve jobs. It is difficult to imagine that whoever lobbied for this qualified vehicle sales tax deduction made that sort of strong case that it would rev up the engines of the automakers' production facilities.

The key to climbing out of the economic downturn is to restore confidence in the economy and the infrastructure of the economy. So long as people don't trust banks, so long as people think that the manufacturer of the automobile they purchase might be out of business the following week, so long as people wonder if the store from which they buy an appliance might close its doors next month, so long as people worry that their next paycheck might be their last, they're not going to buy cars, or much else other than what is needed to get by from day to day.

About the only thing this deduction will stimulate, other than the writing of blog posts, is more tax complexity that generates more work for tax return preparers and the programmers re-tooling tax return preparation software. That simply isn't the way to get America's productive, intellectual, and creative capacity back to humming along.

ADDENDUM: It seems that the Tax Policy Center has similar views, though the C- it awards to the provision is far more generous than the F it earns from me. It thinks that the provision "would increase sales of qualifying vehicles but would disproportionately benefit middle- and high-income households." I disagree. As I've explained, there's no reason to think any sort of meaningful increase in vehicle purchases will occur, nor is there any reason that there would be a flood of car buying by taxpayers with modified adjusted gross incomes below the cut-off threshhold.

Almost a year ago, in Soccer Franchise Socks It to Bridge Users, I questioned why bridge tolls were being used to fund a professional soccer franchise rather than to maintain and repair bridges under the care of the Delaware River Port Authority (DRPA). I suggested that the DRPA charter be amended so that it could spend bridge tolls only on bridge maintenance and repair, and not on handouts to "Lincoln Financial Field, the Kimmel Center, the New Jersey Aquarium, and dozens of other projects that surely are not bridges." A week later, in Bridge Users Easy Mark for Inflated User Fees, I criticized the failure of the governors of Pennsylvania and New Jersey to veto the inappropriate use of bridge toll revenues by the DRPA, a power that each governor has and can exercise independently. I explained that "[t]he governor's attorney revealed that [New Jersey Governor] Corzine perceived the $10 million hand-out to developers of restaurants and businesses to be 'a legitimate alternative use.'" I also explained that the real reason was his concern that if he vetoed projects in Pennsylvania, the Pennsylvania governor would veto projects in New Jersey. A few months later, in Restricting Bridge Tolls to Bridge Care, I noted that the DRPA determined it need to raise bridge tolls and PATCO rail line fares, and that at the two days of public hearings held by the DRPA on these proposes, "motorists and others showed up and blasted the DRPA for its mismanagement of revenues."

In Bridge Users Easy Mark for Inflated User Fees, I predicted that "in the not too near future, expect to see the DRPA raise tolls yet again, to finance perhaps a private shopping mall in New Jersey, there being such a shortage of them, he says sarcastically, or some other private venture whose owners think it's a legitimate business plan to get taxpayers to pay for their enterprises." So what has happened?

According to this Philadelphia Inquirer report, the DRPA now plans to spend $9.5 million on a President's House memorial in Philadelphia, a restaurant in Philadelphia, the Lights of Liberty show, a proposed medical school in Camden, and the demolition of the Parkade Building near Philadelphia's City Hall. It also plans to spend $1.5 million for improvements to Admiral Wilson Boulevard in New Jersey "to aid expansion of the Campbell Soup Co." The American Automobile Club has requested that the DRPA cancel the first set of projects, noting that the planned highway improvements "could be considered transportation-related." AAA made the same point that I and many unhappy toll payers have made: "Toll revenues from motorists should not be used for economic development projects, especially at a time when our roads and bridges need money."

The DRPA claims it can spend the money despite having promised at the previously-mentioned hearings that it would use the revenue from the toll increases only for "transportation-related expenses." It argues that the proposed new spending is acceptable because it comes from previous borrowing. As I explained in Bridge Users Easy Mark for Inflated User Fees, "the DRPA has been handing out so much money to unrelated development projects that it has racked up more than a billion dollars in debt. To service this debt, almost half of the tolls that it collects is used to pay interest and principal on these loans." So the DRPA proposes to use borrowed funds for these new non-bridge projects and to repay the loans wth toll revenue. Why not, instead of using the borrowed money on these non-bridge projects, use the money to pay down the debt? Has the DRPA board not been reading about the dangers of being in debt?

There is something very wrong with how the DRPA operates. As I explained in Bridge Users Easy Mark for Inflated User Fees, "Members of the DRPA are appointed and do not run for their positions, so they simply are not accountable to the people on whom they impose bridge tolls." The only vote that the motorists have is with respect to the election of the governors, but there are so many other issues affecting gubernatorial election campaigns that this misuse of bridge toll revenue is too easily shoved out of the spotlight. As I asked in that previous post, "Where's the democracy in this system?"

So in addition to proposing that the DRPA's charter be amended to prohibit use of its revenues for other than building, repairing, maintaining, and patrolling its bridges and rail line, I also suggest that the members of the DRPA be elected, say, four from each state, with the ninth selected by the eight who are elected. Apparently, this is the only practical way to bring accountability to bear on the DRPA. Insulated from the ballot box, impervious to citizen input, oblivious to the realities of a new economy, unaware of the dangers of debt, unschooled in the tax policy considerations applicable to the use of user fees, and dead-set on plowing other people's money into pet projects unrelated to the stewardship of bridges and a rail line, the DRPA board needs to be replaced. Its charter must be reformed and rewritten.

The DRPA has been told, in no uncertain terms, by everyone except those who are feeding at the toll trough, to stop spending money on matters not related to the building, repair, maintenance, and patrolling of the bridges and the rail line. The DRPA has given lip service to the idea, but has turned a deaf ear to the message. What does the DRPA not understand about a simple directive? Its thinking, I suppose, is that it does not answer to the motorists, the citizens, and the taxpayers. It's time for some changes that will ring through loud and clear. Someone needs to turn up the lights and explain that the party is over.

So what does a city do when its projected revenues are revised to turn what was planned as a break-even situation into one promising a $2 billion deficit? Aside from cutting expenditures, which carries its own risks, a city could raise revenue. It could raise rates on existing taxes. It could postpone scheduled decreases in existing taxes. And it could propose a new tax.

A new tax is precisely what two members of Philadelphia City Council are planning to do. According to this Philadelphia Inquirer story, Council members Frank DiCicco and Jim Kenney introduced legislation to impose a 35-cent-per-barrel tax on petroleum refined in the city. As a practical matter, this would be a tax on the Sunoco refinery in South Philadelphia, which is the only refinery in the city. The proposed tax would raise $20 million. That is a drop in the bucket, or should I say, a drop in the barrel, when compared to a $2 billion revenue shortfall.

In a news release, DiCicco explained, "Oil companies saw huge profits in 2008 and the City of Philadelphia continues to struggle to meet service demands. With these considerations on top of the industry's impact on our environment and the health of our constituents, I think it's appropriate that the oil industry contributes more." Would not the city gross receipts and business income taxes paid by Sunoco increase if its refinery gross receipts and refinery profits have increased?

Does it make sense to create a new tax when the cost of setting up a system for administering the tax will itself cost money? Will there not be a need for the city to spend money auditing the oil flows at the refinery to determine if the correct amount of tax has been paid?

But there is a bigger glitch. The city has no authority to enact this sort of tax. Only the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania is permitted to do so. The City of Philadelphia had a 5-cent-per-barrel tax on petroleum processing for the fiscal year July 1, 1976 through June 30, 1977, but that was a one-time provision enacted under special circumstances. The City has no authority to levy taxes without the express authorization of the state legislature. A summary of the state statutes presently in effect that permit the city to impose taxes is set forth in Taxation in the City and School District of Philadelphia. There does not exist any authority to impose a tax on the production of an oil refinery.
A legislative aide to DiCicco claims that the proposal would simply re-enact the provision that was in effect for fiscal year 1977, but state authority for that exaction does not exist. In fact the aide admitted that the city probably is barred from enacting the tax. He added, "It's at least worth a conversation in tough times, and the oil industry is one of the few that is still making money." Ought not conversation be directed toward actions that the city is authorized to take? What is the sense in debating whether to do something that cannot be done? Kenney provided the answer to that question. Apparently his approach is to do what he wants to do and to let the legal issues work themselves out later. According to this KYW News Radio report, he explained, "That's why they have courts of law and lawyers, to determine which is the right course. And we're going to do our best in this time, when the city is struggling to provide services and maintain revenues; everybody's got to pitch in."

So if this miniscule idea goes forward, where will the city find the funds to pay the attorneys it will need to retain to present its case as the matter works its way through the judicial system? And if it loses, as it very likely will, how will the proponents of the proposal defend the outcome if the net impact on the city's finances is to increase, rather than reduce, the deficit that it faces? It would make more sense for the proponents to think again about the idea, and to refine their budget-fixing plans by turning to some other remedy.

It's time for a short break from the world of nominees with tax difficulties, economic recovery legislation, and stimulus packages. It's time for a return visit to the world of substantive tax law, in particular the land of a state "meals and rooms tax."

Under section 9241 of title 32 of its statutes, Vermont imposes a 9 percent tax on "the sale of each taxable meal." Under section 9202(10) a taxable meal is defined as

(A) Any food or beverage furnished within the state by a restaurant for which a charge is made, including admission and minimum charges, whether furnished for consumption on or off the premises.

(B) Where furnished by other than a restaurant, any nonprepackaged food or beverage furnished within the state and for which a charge is made, including admission and minimum charges, whether furnished for consumption on or off the premises. Fruits, vegetables, candy, flour, nuts, coffee beans and similar unprepared grocery items sold self-serve for take-out from bulk containers are not subject to tax under this subdivision.

(C) Regardless where sold and whether or not prepackaged:

(i) sandwiches of any kind except frozen;

(ii) food or beverage furnished from a salad bar;

(iii) heated food or beverage.

Under section 9202(10)(D), taxable meals do not include the following:

(i) Food or beverage, other than that taxable under subdivision (10)(C) of this section, that is a grocery-type item furnished for take-out: whole pies or cakes, loaves of bread; single-serving bakery items sold in quantities of three or more; delicatessen and nonprepackaged candy sales by weight or measure, except party platters; whole uncooked pizzas; pint or larger closed containers of ice cream or frozen confection; eight ounce or larger containers of salad dressings or sauces; maple syrup; quart or larger containers of cider or milk.

(ii) Food or beverage, including that described in subdivision (10)(C) of this section:

(I) served or furnished on the premises of a nonprofit corporation or association organized and operated exclusively for religious or charitable purposes, in furtherance of any of the purposes for which it was organized; with the net proceeds of said food or beverage to be used exclusively for the purposes of the corporation or association;

(II) served or furnished on the premises of a school as defined herein;

(III) served or furnished on the premises of any institution of the state, political subdivision thereof or of the United States to inmates and employees of said institutions;

(IV) prepared by the employees thereof and served in any hospital licensed under chapter 43 of Title 18, or a sanitorium, convalescent home, nursing home or home for the aged;

(V) furnished by any person while transporting passengers for hire by train, bus or airplane if furnished on any train, bus or airplane;

(VI) furnished by any person while operating a summer camp for children, in such camp;

(VII) sold by nonprofit organizations at bazaars, fairs, picnics, church suppers, or similar events to the extent of four such events of a day's duration, held during any calendar year; provided, however, where sales are made at such events by an organization required to have a meals and rooms registration license or otherwise required to have a license because its selling events are in excess of the number permitted, the sale of such food or beverage shall constitute sales made in the regular course of business and are not exempted from the Vermont meals and rooms gross receipts tax;

(VIII) furnished to any employee of an operator as remuneration for his employment;

(IX) provided to the elderly pursuant to the Older Americans Act, 42 U.S.C. chapter 35, subchapter VII;

(X) purchased with food stamps;

(XI) served or furnished on the premises of a continuing care retirement community certified under chapter 151 of Title 8.

Vermont's Commissioner of Taxes audited a movie theater and determined that it failed to collect and pay the meals-and-rooms tax on sales of popcorn and nachos. When the taxpayer appealed, the Superior Court affirmed the Commissioner's decision, and the taxpayer again appealed. Thus, the Supreme Court of Vermont faced the issue of whether popcorn and nachos served by a movie theater are taxable meals. See Eurowest Cinemas LLC v. Vermont Department of Taxes (13 Jan 2009), which is not yet on the court's web site but might be found here.

When the theater sold popcorn to its patrons, its employees heated the popcorn and, if asked, added hot, melted butter to it. When it sold nachos, the employees added warm, melted cheese. The Department of Taxes concluded that the popcorn and nachos were taxable meals because section 9202(10)(C)(iii) includes all heated food and beverages in the definition. Because the exceptions in section 9202(10)(D) do not apply, and the taxpayer did not so argue, it would appear to be an easy case. But it wasn't.

The taxpayer relied on Tax Department Regulation 1.9232.8(D), which excludes popcorn and nachos from the definition of taxable meal. The regulation, adopted in 1969, provides that "popcorn, potato chips . . . and other similar products" are "[e]xamples of items considered to be candy and confectionary not subject to the [meals-and-rooms] tax." The Court noted that even though popcorn is in the list of excluded items, in context it is included in a list of packaged items and thus does not include popcorn prepared by the taxpayer in individual, ready-to-eat portions. The Court also noted that Regulation 1.9232.8(A) subjects to the tax "all prepared meals, [and] snacks . . . sold in individual portions and ready to eat … served [by] … an 'eating and drinking establishment.'"

The theater was an eating and drinking establishment because, under regulation 1.9232.8(B), "'Eating and [d]rinking [e]stablishments' shall include every … place where food . . . [is] served." The taxpayer, however, argued that its snack bar was not an eating and drinking establishment because, under the regulation, an eating and drinking establishment does not "include any portion of an operator's premises which is devoted to the sale of packaged food or candy." According to the taxpayer, its "snack bar is not an 'eating and drinking establishment' subject to tax, because it is a 'portion of any operator's premises which is devoted to the sale of … candy' under [section] (C), where candy is defined by [section] (D) to include 'popcorn, potato chips, crackerjacks, and other similar products.'"

The taxpayer also relied on regulation 1.9232.8(C), which excludes from the definition of eating and drinking establishment "ordinary retail food stores where packaged food products and/or candy and confectionary are sold." That provision also excludes any portion of a business premises devoted to the sale of "packaged food or candy."

The court concluded that the taxpayer misconstrued regulation 1.9232.8(C). It explained that the regulation allows a restaurant, for example, to sell mints or chewing gum at its register without collecting tax on those items. It does not preclude the imposition of the tax on prepared meals simply because a taxpayer's premises includes both sales of prepared items and pre-packaged items.

The court further reasoned that even if the taxpayer's interpretation of regulation 1.9232.8(C) was correct, and even if its contention that the popcorn and nachos were within the definition of "candy," the theater's snack bar was not "devoted" to the sale of candy. In addition to selling popcorn, nachos, Sno-Caps, and Milk Duds, the theater sold, and collected meals-and-rooms tax on, non-bottled beverages, soft pretzels, and hot dogs.

Thus, the court reached the question of "whether the operator-prepared, ready-to-eat popcorn and nachos offered for sale at taxpayer's snack bar are better characterized under the regulation as 'prepared … snacks … sold in individual portions and ready to eat' or 'candy.' It decided that the "popcorn, potato chips … and other similar products" described in the definition of candy are not prepared for sale by the operator and are pre-packaged. Thus, they are not subject to the meals-and-rooms tax no matter where they are sold. But, the court continued, "the unpackaged popcorn and nachos, as prepared and sold by taxpayer at its snack bar, are operator-prepared snacks sold by an 'eating and drinking establishment' and subject to meals-and-rooms tax."

The case illustrates why there are limits to simplification of tax laws. As soon as the legislature decided to impose a tax on "taxable meals," it had to define "taxable meal." Thus, we get the lengthy statutes previously quoted. Would it have been simpler to tax "meals"? No. When I take students in the basic tax class through the exclusion from gross income of meals and lodging provided by an employer, they encounter an issue best summarized by the question, "Are groceries meals?" The IRS says yes, and the Third Circuit says no. What is required is a definition of a meal. Ask the next ten people you meet, what is a meal? It would not be surprising to hear ten different definitions, not simply in terms of the words chosen to express the concept but in terms of the concept. Or, as one student once claimed, "HoHos can be a meal."

Once the Department of Taxes decided to define candy and to include popcorn in the list, it created a need to distinguish between popcorn that qualified for exemption and popcorn that did not. That left the court in the position of asking, "What is candy?" Ask those same ten people, or another group of ten people, to define candy. Is something candy if it does not include sugar? Is something necessarily candy if it does include sugar? These are not simply tax law questions. Someone who adheres to a belief system that includes the giving up of something for Lent would encounter the same questions if he or she decides to give up candy for Lent. Would they argue, as did the theater, that popcorn and nachos purchased at the movies were not within the self-imposed restriction?

Some might argue that the easiest answer is to repeal the tax, but that simply shifts the definitional challenge to another type of tax. Others might argue that the easiest approach is to tax all meals, with no exceptions whatsoever, although that still raises the question of what is a meal. Still others might argue that the tax could be imposed on food, but there are people who eat things that other people would not consider to be food. This question brings back memories of the pumpkin nonsense described in Halloween Brings Out the Lunacy. That's the story of Iowa revenue officials declaring that pumpkins are not food.

So to those advocating the flat tax, the FAIR tax, the VAT, consumption taxes, and all other sorts of replacements for the income tax, there is a lesson to be learned. There is no escaping the need to determine what is in the base. What is income? What is within the VAT? What constitutes consumption? And, of course, the one to which I refused to give an answer: "Are HoHos a meal?"

Timing is everything, I suppose. At about the same time that my musings on the tax troubles of several of President Obama's nominees, in Tax Problem or Tax Symptom?, entered the blogosphere, the Washington Post, in Victims of the Tax Code? Not So Fast took the position that even though the tax law is complicated, the nominees' troubles were preventable. Several experts, including colleagues in the tax law professorship business, explained that these were not the most complex issues that taxpayers can encounter, that the complexity of the code is not an excuse for the errors on their tax returns, and that they should have known what was going on. Yet one practitioner, Kenneth Brier, a tax lawyer in Boston, noted, "What this is telling us is that even people who should know better somehow don't. People who should be able to hire good tax help still don't get it right."

So why aren't they getting it right? Back in 1997, Money Magazine (March 1997 issue, page 80), in what appears to be the last test of this sort that it conducted, asked 45 tax return preparers to do the tax return for a hypothetical family. There were 45different results. None were correct. Fewer than one-fourth were within $1,000 of the correct answer. The tax liabilities that were computed ranged from $36,322 to $94,438. So why didn't these 45 experts get it right? Should we expect any better of a performance today, with eleven years of additional provisions, exceptions, definitional refinements, and other technical changes added to the tax law?

If it's not the unmanageable complexity of the tax code, then is it necessarily the incompetence of the preparers? Congress has created a tax system that is groaning under the weight of its own absurdity, teetering on the edge of a collapse no less striking than the track record of the economy during the past six months.

Consider the issues that created the problem. Geithner failed to enter into a particular Turbotax entry box his income from the International Monetary Fund. According to this report an accountant told him that he did not owe self-employment taxes on that income. According to this report the IMF provides its employees with information concerning their taxes, and that it provides assistance to employees who request it, though Geithner apparently did not do so. On the other hand, the same report observed that "Tax professionals noted that even trained preparers sometimes miss the subtleties involved in taxation of employees of international organizations." What Geithner did was sloppy, careless, and at worst, negligent. He didn't try to hide income. He didn't stash money in an off-shore trust. He didn't buy into some tax shelter deal. He didn't skim cash from the cash register. In other words, he didn't commit tax fraud.

The same can be said of Daschle's problems. He received a Form 1099 and handed it to the accountant who prepared his return. The Form 1099 was wrong. That's not Daschle's fault. Should he have audited the payor? How many taxpayers add up the interest credited by the bank to their checking or savings account to determine if the Form 1099 sent by the bank is correct? Should they be expected to do so? The Form 1099 was off by $80,000 but that was just a small fraction of the amount being reported. Had the error been one of several orders of magnitude, then it would have been much more obvious. It's not fraudulent to rely on a Form 1099 that is prepared by an independent third party. Daschle also failed to report the use of an automobile and driver provided by an employer. When Daschle was in the Senate, he received the use of a vehicle and driver for security reasons, and under the tax law the value therefore is excluded from gross income as a working condition fringe benefit. Only the astute tax practitioner understands the subtle distinction that causes a different result for the vehicle and driver provided to Daschle in his post-Senate enterprise. Again, he almost certainly thought he was doing the correct thing, probably because he was doing the same thing that had been done in the past, that is, not reporting any income on account of the vehicle and driver. No one knows if the accountant asked questions about the vehicle and driver. Unless taxpayers are required to review the substantive law analyses performed by their preparers, they should be held accountable for unpaid taxes, interest, and penalties, but they ought not be characterized as perpetrators of fraud or as deadbeats as this commentary concluded.

There is no doubt that the taxpayer and professional tax return preparer error rate would decrease if the tax law were not so complicated. When Kenneth Brier tells us, "What this is telling us is that even people who should know better somehow don't," we should understand that the "somehow" is the inability of Congress to put a sound tax policy ahead of special interest lobbying. My suggestion that Congress might come to understand this point if its members were required to do their own tax returns, submit them for review, scoring, and repair before filing, and to publish their scores inspired Mary O'Keefe to embellish the suggestion. In Professor Maule's prescription for "tax law disease" --and mine she proposes:

All members of Congress who serve on the House Ways and Means Committee or the Senate Finance Committee as well as the Commissioner of Internal Revenue and the Secretary of the Treasury should annually take and pass the VITA volunteer tax preparer certification test and then volunteer a few hours each year at a VITA site preparing and explaining tax returns to a random cross-section of low-income working families and senior citizens.

Hooray! Yes, I'll vote for that idea. But I'd extend it to every member of Congress. Let them walk in taxpayer shoes for a while. Perhaps then they'll think twice about continuing to overload the Code.

First it was Timothy Geithner, nominated to be Secretary of the Treasury. Next, it was Tom Daschle, nominated to be Secretary of Health and Human Services. It turns out both have filed federal income tax returns beset by major errors. Technically, they are not the first and second nominees for a federal office to have a tax problem. Almost fifteen years ago, Zoe Baird's nomination to be Attorney General was withdrawn after it was disclosed that she had failed to pay social security taxes on wages paid to household workers. I'll let someone else catalog the parade of nominees whose returns contained significant deficiencies.

Mr. Geithner failed to report income earned while employed by the International Monetary Fund. Mr. Daschle failed to report as income his use of an automobile and chauffeur, along with $80,000 of consulting fees that he received after his Senate term expired. These aren't the most basic of tax issues, but neither are they the complex challenges of partnership taxation, section 280A dwelling unit deduction limitations, or the computational nightmare of section 1 or section 86. In Daschle's case it appears that his return reflected what was reported on Form 1099 but the issuer of the form erroneously understated the income by $80,000.

Mr. Geithner apologized, and said he had made "careless but unintentional mistakes." Mr. Daschle also apologized, and said, "My mistakes were unintentional." Mr. Geithner further explained that he had used Turbotax, but as noted in this commentary, tax preparation software is only as good as the information entered into it. I haven't been able to discover any confirmation that Daschle used Turbotax, but as there are references to "his accountant" the best guess is that he did not.

Are they "deadbeats" as contended in this commentary? Only if the evidence demonstrates that they knew they had gross income to report and deliberatly and wilfully failed to do so. In that case they should be barred from office, and prosecuted for tax fraud.

Were they negligent? Yes. Should they have asked for help? Perhaps they did, and perhaps Geithner figured that using Turbotax was the equivalent of getting help from a tax professional. Daschle apparently had professional assistance.

Should they be barred from office because they don't know how to do their tax returns? The better question is whether everyone who makes mistakes on a tax return should be denied employment. That's a harsh result and it highlights the deeper problem. Daschle has since withdrawn from consideration.

Though these nominees have a problem, and perhaps problems that they should have prevented, their issues are much more a symptom for the nation. The tax law is so complicated that it's too easy to make a mistake. The opportunities for error multiply exponentially as provision after provision are inserted into the tax law. The rules applicable to employees of the International Money Fund are not as simple as some seem to have reported. Whether Daschle's use of a vehicle provided by a friend constitutes gross income depends on the facts and circumstances. This isn't to minimize or excuse their tax filing problems, but to point out that the true problem is the tax law and that noncompliance arising from negligence and ignorance is a symptom.

Over the years, I have suggested that members of Congress be required to do their own tax returns. My rationale is that if these folks were compelled to suffer through what other taxpayers must endure they might think twice before using the tax law to accomplish what ought to be handled by the Department of Energy, the Department of Commerce, the Department of Education, and a long list of other agencies that somehow cannot achieve their objectives without assistance from the Internal Revenue Service. Until now I haven't embellished my suggestion, but perhaps it makes sense to explain that after members of Congress prepare their returns, they would be examined by tax professionals before they were filed. Otherwise, there's too high a risk that all or nearly all of the returns would be wrong. I don't think I'd permit them to use tax return preparation software, because I don't want them to have a scapegoat for their return preparation inadequacies.

The present course of action, fixing the mistakes and giving apologies, is insufficient. These incidents are a warning sign to the Congress. They are the tip of a huge noncompliance iceberg that extends far beyond the world of tax fraud, tax shelters, and tax gimmicks. They illustrate the extent to which tax compliance is falling short. They serendipitously indicate why the Congress must avoid loading more tax junk into the pending legislation. Otherwise tax compliance will become a game of "if they catch me, I'll pay and apologize" played in a context of "it's unlikely they'll catch me." Tax compliance, and the fiscal integrity of the nation, will be reduced to this sort of nonsense. Already, one well-known tax fraud defendant has raised what is now being called the Geithner defense. There will be more. Many more.

Until these incidents of tax noncompliance are seen as symptoms rather than as isolated problems, the underlying tax law disease that is stifling the nation will spread. Until the Congress determines to stop jeopardizing the integrity of the tax law by using it for political purposes, the economic malaise that pervades the nation will deteriorate into much worse.

According to this CNN Report, Rudy Giuliani, former mayor of New York City and one-time Presidential candidate, has explained that huge corporate bonuses are good for the city and the economy. Giuliani's theory is that if the bonuses aren't paid, "it really will create unemployment." He adds, " It means less spending in restaurants, less spending in department stores, so everything has an impact." Giuliani explained, "I remember when I was mayor, one of the ways in which you determine New York City's budget, tax revenue is Wall Street bonuses. Wall Street has $1 billion, $2 billion in bonuses, the city had a deficit. Wall Street has $15 billion to $20 billion, New York City had a $2 billion, $3 billion surplus, and it's because that money gets spent. That money goes directly into the economy. First of all, it gets taxed as income. Secondly, it gets taxed again when somebody buys something with it."

So let me see if I understand this. Someone earning $800,000 discovers that an expected $1,000,000 bonus is not forthcoming. Does this person stop eating meals? Does this person stop buying clothes? I doubt it. To this extent, Giuliani is overstating his case and trying too hard to defend bloated compensation. Does New York City's tax revenue go down? Yes, because it's not collecting an income tax on the unpaid $1,000,000. To that extent, Giuliani is correct, but he doesn't follow through with the analysis.

The employer has a choice between paying $1,000,000 as a bonus, paying it as 10 $100,000 salaries for 10 employees who otherwise would not have jobs, or retaining it and adding it to the employer's own income. Under which scenario is the bonus most likely to be spent? The 10 employees have no choice to spend their salaries in order to survive. The highly-compensated employee and the employer most likely would have stashed the $1,000,000 somewhere, principally in an effort to reduce taxes and to maximize capital. If Guiliani wants spending in restaurants and department stores to rebound, see to it that there are fewer unemployed people, even if that comes at the expense of reducing someone's salary from $1,800,000 to $800,000.

The "trickle down" theory that underlies the defense of excessively high compensation has been proven to be a failure. It doesn't work. Otherwise, in theory, the employer should pay $50,000,000 to one employee and fire the rest of the employees. No one has demonstrated that the highly compensated employee makes better or wiser spending choices or does a better job stashing away the excess income. As for the use of the phrase "excessively high" compensation, remember that the folks getting these bonuses are the folks who engineered the economic calamity that continues to erode away the lives, health, and dignity of far too many Americans.

Giuliani is correct that New York City tax revenues decline if the bonus is not paid. His statement suggests that the revenue loss equals the bonus multipled by the employee' marginal rate, presumably the highest applicable rate. But pushing the analysis further suggests that this is not the case. If the $1,000,000 is used to hire 10 employees who would otherwise be unemployed, there will be taxes paid by each of those employees, though not as much in the aggregate as would be paid by the bonus recipient. That revenue loss to the city would be offset by the removal from the city's list of expenditures the costs of extending to 10 unemployed individuals the benefits of the various programs put in place to assist the unemployed. The city is better off with one person earning $800,000 and 10 people earning $100,000 than it is with one person earning $1,800,000.

If the employer is in some manner compelled to refrain from paying the bonus, whether for public relations purposes or through this sort of legislative cap on compensation, and determines not to hire anyone, then the employer would have more income subject to taxation. There could be a slight revenue loss or gain for the city, depending on the relative marginal rates of the would-be bonus recipient and the employer, but the city would still need to fund the various safety net programs maintained for the unemployed, including the ten individuals not hired by the employer. The question remains, what is the employer going to do with the $1,000,000, net of taxes, not paid as a bonus? Perhaps it will spend it. Does that not solve Giuliani's concern about bonus non-payment causing reductions in spending at restaurants and other enterprises? Perhaps the employer will lend the money, directly or through making a worthwhile investment, that finances a new business or continued existence of a currently operating business, thus maintaining spending and other economic activity? Or perhaps the employer will shuttled the money overseas.

Giuliani is correct that when Wall Street compensation falls, it likely indicates budget problems for the city. But is that a consequence of less compensation to tax? No. Falling compensation on Wall Street means that Wall Street is generating less income, and that means it is quite likely that the entire economy has slowed. That means there is less economic activity throughout the city, and thus fewer salaries to tax and less spending to generate city revenue. Yet if Wall Street is stumbling and the economy is stalling, why are people getting bonuses? Are they being paid for having done a good job taking Wall Street to unprecedented heights of economic accomplishment?

There are two ways that Wall Street compensation can end up in the fiscal ranges that Giuliani cites as indicative of a healthy New York City budget. One is a few people being paid huge bonuses. Another is a significant increase in the number of people who are employed. The first generates slightly higher tax revenue but even higher social welfare and unemployment safety net costs. The second generates slightly lower tax revenue but even lower social welfare and unemployment safety net costs. The city, and its administrators and legislators, ought to favor the second alternative. And in that event, unlike Giuliani, they ought not be critcizing the critics of the bonus payments. They should be joining in the outrage that payment of those bonuses is a misdirected use of money. If the critics of how Wall Street, the investment bankers, and the other financial manipulators did business succeed in cleaning up the greed culture that sold itself with false promises of "trickle down," New York City will be no less a beneficiary than will be the rest of the nation and its citizens. And then perhaps the critics of the critics of the critics of the bonus payments will not have written in vain.

As the stimulus package works its way through Congress, the debate is shaping up as one that pits spending against tax cuts. Democrats claim the package will create jobs and get the economy rolling along. Their position is that spending is a better way of reaching those goals than are tax cuts. In contrast, the House Minority Leader, according to this report, claims that the proposal "has a lot of wasteful provisions and slow-moving spending in it" and that "we think that fast-acting tax relief is the way to get it done."

There are two issues in the debate, but it's unclear that Congress recognizes them as such. The one getting the attention is whether tax cuts or spending works more quickly to spur economic recovery. The other one is whether economic restoration is best accomplished by rushing or by taking a moment to think. Even in the emergency room, it is essential to think before acting. Acting quickly can be fatal if the action is the wrong choice.

The proposed legislation, having the nature of a compromise, is riddled with flaws. Not only are there specific provisions that are flawed, there also are flaws in the package as it has emerged. Mixing tax cuts with spending provisions might be a good hedge when Congress cannot agree on which approach is the best, but by dividing the resources, assuming money borrowed from abroad can be considered a resource, between two approaches might cause both approaches to fail because both end up being underfunded.

Should resources be devoted to extending the home purchase credit so that it's no longer in effect a loan but a grant? Over at Tax Almanac, Death&Taxes noted, in Mule Chasing Tail Department, that Congress is forging ahead "without anyone in either Congress or the real estate industry saying, 'guess what, that one we passed last year didn't work.' What's coming next? 40 Acres and a Mule?" Well, guess what? No one in Congress seems to have bothered holding hearings in order to find out what is working and what isn't working. Why there have been no hearings, or should I say, public hearings, is an interesting question, but I digress.

The same problem arises with the proposal to extend and broaden bonus depreciation and first-year expensing. As I pointed out in Just Because It Didn't Work the First 50 Times Doesn't Mean It Will Work Next Time, no one has demonstrated that increasing deductions for capital expenditures will create jobs or stimulate the economy. Let's think about it. Businesses without money cannot make the expenditures that generate the deduction, nor can they borrow the money, so the provision is useless for them. Should there be some incentive to compel the lending industry to lend money? Surely they are doing something with the hundreds of billions dished out under the TARP program. Even if businesses with available cash make more capital purchases than they otherwise would have made, how does this create jobs if the item being purchases was manufactured abroad? Oh, it creates jobs overseas. How does that help?

One of the comments I received in response to Just Because It Didn't Work the First 50 Times Doesn't Mean It Will Work Next Time caused me to wonder, Instead of More Favorable Depreciation Deductions, Eliminate Them? As I pointed out in Abolish Real Estate Depreciation Deduction? An Idea Gathers Attention, that idea has generated discussion, even beyond what I reported several days ago in that post.

Wayne Silverman responded to my idea of using a national real estate index to peg, in effect, real estate mark to market by noting that while he liked the idea, he was "afraid that it would get re-jiggered like CPI and be useless." He suggested using aggregate regional numbers similar to those kept by the NAR, and then working that over some useful life. I explained that no matter who does the appraisal, no matter its regional, local, or national nature, and no matter how it is done, the output is an estimated. It might be a good one, and it might not be. Even values based on selling prices are warped, in part because there often are other considerations not showing up (e.g., price includes furnishings, sale was to a friend or relative and thus at the lower end of the fmv range, etc.) and the numbers lag some weeks behind reality as reporting takes time. Perhaps months, if data collectors are waiting for deeds to be recorded. I also am not proposing dividing anything if there were such a system. It would be a comparison between the Jan 1 value and the Dec 31 value, and taxpayers could elect to do nothing, or, if they want to deduct declines in value, they must agree to be taxed on increases in value. Over the long haul, because prices tend to rise, I suspect most taxpayers would elect to do nothing, that is, give up depreciation because the gross income is too high a price for the occasional deduction. There would need to be a decision about transition. Should a value-changed system permit the grandfathering of existing owners, in turn creating a need for an antichurning provision? Should the system starting fresh with values as of a particular date? Should the system start fresh with adjusted basis as of that date? That approach would generate huge amounts of tax liabilities at the end of the system's first year. Wayne noted that the devil is in the details. Indeed. But the point is that someone needs to think about the provisions being rushed through. Bonus depreciation and first-year expensing ought not get express lane treatment just because they were tried. No one has demonstrated that they work. Would the changes I have tossed about work? I don't know. Why not leave depreciation alone, as it is, until its impact on the economy can be studied. If excess depreciation is a contributing factor to the current economic mess, the existing stimulus proposal pretty much is not unlike a medieval physician who prescribed "bleeding" as the cure for someone bleeding to death.

The tax cut advocates are so glued to a disproven technique that they cannot bring themselves to comprehend the reality. Years of tax cuts have made the economy worse, not better. How does a tax cut help someone without a job? I suppose the answer is that tax cuts mean employed individuals can spend more than they are now spending, which would generate business so that entrepreneurs and companies will hire. But there is a huge fallacy in that assumption. Wasn't there a rebate, oops, economic stimulus payment not very long ago? Big help that was. People won't spend the increase in take-home pay because they lack confidence. They will save the money, perhaps in banks and perhaps in a jar buried in the back yard. And the banks won't lend the money, because they're not lending the money that they have. For all we know, some of the tax cut money would be invested overseas.

What will work is spending that creates jobs. Is this sort of spending slow-moving? Not knowing what spending speed limits are, I can only suggest that money designated to pay people to do work will find its way into productive economic use more quickly than tax cuts put into banks by employed individuals lacking confidence in the economy. If the people who are paid to do work are currently unemployed, they will be compelled to spend the money flowing into their hands, because they need to eat, they need a place to sleep, they need food, etc. There are millions of people who are unemployed, and getting money into their hands is much more important than getting money into the hands of people with jobs. It's called triage. Of course, there may be a mismatch between the jobs for which the government would be providing funding and the skills of the unemployed. Our nation needs people who can repair and build infrastructure like roads, bridges, and electrical grids. We need construction workers to renovate dilapidated schools. We need health care workers, including physicians, nurses, and hospice attendants. Unfortunately, we don't need some of the skills held by some of the folks who have lost their jobs. The adjustment from one career to another is painful, and no matter how the government provides economic stimulus, whether tax cut or spending, the transition of the economy from one misbalanced in favor of services back to one that has the nation building itself and manufacturing things that people abroad are willing to purchase will be painful. Surely getting people abroad sending their money for items manufactured and services rendered in this country, rather than as loans that need to be repaid, will help in restoring some sense of economic stability.

The problem with tax cuts is that they are financed by debt burdening our descendants but they end up either stagnating in a bank or funding consumption of resources. In contrast, spending money on schools, bridges, electrical grids, renewable energy facilities, and the like, at least transfers to our descendants not only the debt, but some assets that counter-balance the debt. It's the difference between borrowing from an adult child to build an addition to the family home and borrowing from an adult child to finance an early retirement filled with golf. No, I didn't make that up. You can read that in this Ask Amy column.

Unfortunately, the stimulus proposal is zooming along some sort of legislative process that omits hearing and dutiful deliberation. Like the bandwagon of a team warming up as the season comes to an end, all sorts of people waiting in the wings with their pet proposals jumped aboard without anyone checking for their sincerity, loyalty, knowledge, or utility. Ironically, some of the provisions were inserted to get votes that aren't going to be forthcoming. Sometimes a child who asks for 10 chocolate chip cookies and who is wisely given two will be happy, but sometimes children get angry and throw back the two cookies because they fail to remember that the last time they were given the 10 cookies they ended up with an upset stomach. That is what some people, including myself, might experience as this legislative mish-mash follows the TARP Express down the track to what very well could be a collapsed railroad bridge. Here's hoping that the sensible spending provisions are sufficiently funded, and aren't negated by the tax cut nonsense in the legislation.

It's fun watching, and reading, how a dialogue can develop, through the use of blogs, when an idea is set out for comments and reactions. In Just Because It Didn't Work the First 50 Times Doesn't Mean It Will Work Next Time, I criticized the current legislative proposal to extend and expand bonus depreciation and first-year expensing. Within hours, Bob Flach, the Wandering Tax Pro, reacted, pointing my attention to Here is Something to Think About, in which he proposes eliminating the depreciation deduction for real estate. I took up that aspect of the issue in Instead of More Favorable Depreciation Deductions, Eliminate Them?. Then Goose the Tax Dog, a/k/a Your Fearless Blogger, considered the proposal in Real Estate Depreciation, and suggested tying the depreciation deduction to changes in the valuation of real property for state and local real property tax purposes. Bob then picked up on these exchanges in What's the Buzz? Tell Me What's A Happenin'. Joe Kristan, over at TaxUpdate blog, picked up on the original concept in Party Like It's 2002.

In a theoretical sense, tying depreciation to state and local real property tax assessments makes sense. It would restrict real estate depreciation to instances in which the property's value actually declined. The proposal rests on the presumption that real property tax assessments reflect value. As I noted in my comment to in Real Estate Depreciation, real property tax assessments rarely reflect value. In Pennsylvania, for example, properties aren't assessed at fair market value, assessments are done sporadically, state laws designed to generate uniform and current valuation fail to work, judicial decisions send messages that aren't heard, and efforts are underway to eliminate the property tax because its administration is so problematic.* So when the theory is transported into the practice world, it breaks apart. Perhaps it can be salvaged by creating a system that denies depreciation deductions unless the taxpayer demonstrates that the property has declined in value. Would this encourage appraisers to come in with absurdly low values? Because the best proof of value is an arms' length sale to a third party, would the deduction be postponed until the taxpayer disposed of the property? Such an outcome would be equivalent to repealing the depreciation deduction for real estate. Here's another idea. Could the deduction be tied to a national index for the type of property involved? If data shows that the average selling price of office buildings declined by 2% during a particular year, owners of depreciable real estate would be permitted to deduct an amount equal to 2% of adjusted basis. The deduction would not be 2% of value because the taxpayer has not been required to include increases in value in gross income. Perhaps the price to be paid for this revised depreciation deduction is the symmetrical requirement that gross income be increased by 4% of value if the average selling price of office buildings increased by 4% during a particular year. If this were required, the deduction would reflect a percentage based on value and not basis. Even with the current declines in real property values, I doubt property owners would support this arrangement, because in most years there would be gross income and not a depreciation deduction.

As the debate over an economic recovery stimulus package continues, the idea of eliminating a deduction that is inconsistent with economic reality may find more advocates. Tax breaks ought not be extended to those who don't need them. Casualty loss deductions don't exist for taxpayers who have not endured casualties, trade or business deductions are not allowed to taxpayers who are not carrying on a trade or business, interest deductions aren't provided to those who are not in debt, and thus depreciation deductions ought not be permitted for properties that aren't depreciating. Perhaps a realization that warps in the tax system contributed to the economic recovery, both directly and by encouraging people to play games in real estate in order to acquire tax breaks, will encourage the Congress to get to the root of the problem rather than sticking band-aids on the symptoms.

As a side note, it is worth noting that in the new digital world, an idea can be circulated in hours or days rather than in the months or even years that are required when an article is published in a traditional journal. A response can be crafted and published within hours or days rather than compelling people to wait for even more months and years. When people suggest to me that I bundle some of my MauledAgain posts into a law review article, I wonder why. By the time it appears in print, it most likely will be last year's story and an issue no longer getting attention. If the discussion of real estate depreciation, bonus depreciation, and first-year expensing doesn't show up until a law review can get it published, the legislative ship has sailed and the message arrives late. I share these thoughts because the development of the discussion concerning real estate taxation during the past week provides an excellent example of the point that I've been trying to make for the past ten or more years about the growing irrelevancy of traditional law review scholarship. Talk about something that is depreciating. But, well, to demonstrate that blogging can resemble traditional scholarship, here's the footnote.

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* For discussions of the problems afflicting the Pennsylvania real estate tax assessment process, see An Unconstitutional Tax Assessment System; Property Tax Assessments: Really That Difficult?; Real Property Tax Assessment System: Broken and Begging for Repair; and Philadelphia Real Property Taxes: Pay Up or Lose It; How to Fix a Broken Tax System: Speed It Up?; Not the Sort of Tax Loss Taxpayers Prefer; Uniformly Rejecting Tax Non-Uniformity.

It's January. Fast approaching is January 31, the date by which employers must get W-2 forms to their employees' and payors must get Forms 1099 to their payees. For most taxpayers, this signals the beginning of "tax season," a time for preparing and filing their tax returns. Or at least a time for having prepared and then filing their tax returns. For tax return preparers, the season began a few weeks ago, as they turned to installing tax software, running tests, stocking up on supplies, reviewing changes in the tax law affecting 2008 returns, and otherwise bracing for the stream of visitors. Recession or no recession, there are tax returns to be filed and tens of millions of people who need help in doing so.

But for some tax professionals, there's not much special about this time of year. For example, tax planners are busy throughout the year, and often their professional lives become chaotic in December. Tax faculty are busiest when preparing courses, teaching, and grading, and not much more happens in February, March, and April than happens in September, October, and November.

But this particular January brings a different type of tax season. Whichever way one turns, governments at every level are discussing tax issues as they focus on budgets, corporations and individuals are continuing to bring forth every imaginable tax break as "the" solution to the current economic turmoil, and Congress already is beginning to fracture as some insist on sticking to the disproven way of managing government revenue and spending.

Friday morning's Philadelphia Inquirer brought news that the Governor of Pennsylvania intends to hold the line on state sales and personal income taxes even though the state faces $2.3 billion projected deficit that weeks ago was a $1.6 billion shortfall. The Governor expects the federal government to provide stimulus payments to the state. Others have suggested a new tax on the extraction of coal, oil, and gas, which could generate a fair amount of revenue considering that a huge natural gas deposit has been discovered in Pennsylvania, or perhaps it already was discovered and they figured out how to get the gas out of the ground. To the extent the state cuts programs that local governments need to pick up, their budgetary woes will worsen and they will need to look at taxes.

For example, in Philadelphia, suggestions such as this one from a member of City Council, to delay scheduled wage-tax decreases have been circulating. People are debating whether a postponement of a schedule tax decrease constitutes a tax increase. Why argue about a label and then act based on the label? Why not debate the wisdom or lack thereof in delaying a wage tax decrease? Will it generate revenue? Only if it does not encourage businesses and taxpayers to leave the city. Will they? Has anyone done a survey?

Nor is that the only tax item getting attention in Philadelphia City Council. According to a Friday news report, legislation was proposed that would provide a $3,000 tax credit to employers who create jobs during the next two years. This credit is a revision of one enacted in 2002. That credit failed to generate jobs. Is it because the credit is only $1,000? City council is trying to decide why a tax credit predicted to create 3,100 jobs ended up creating 347 jobs. Perhaps for the same reason that brokers promise 31% rates of return only to see the actual outcome be 3.47%? Something about placing expectations that are too high on approaches that don't have a proven track record?

In D.C., Friday also brought news that Republicans in Congress are unhappy with the proposed stimulus legislation. The President has agreed to discuss with them their call for even more tax cuts. Somehow, the argument that cutting taxes will rejuvenate the economy continue to persist, even though a decade or more of tax cuts just didn't do it. Perhaps eliminating all taxes and government services will do the job?

In the meantime, another letter to the editors of the Philadelphia Inquirer keeps alive the idea of raising the gasoline tax so that reduced pump prices don't blunt the enthusiasm for alternative fuel development that had swept the country last summer. This is one of my favorites, a three-in-one plan to fix the economy, the environment, and the energy crisis. I've written about it extensively, with the most recent long analysis in The Return of the Federal Gasoline Tax Increase Proposal, which discussed a proposal that moved along the implementation path in a decision I discussed earlier this month in Whatever a Tax Increase is Called, Someone Needs to Sell It.

Friday's Philadelphia Inquirer was packed with tax issues. In yet another article, a former chair of Delaware County Council, arguing for a change in how state pensions are computed, pointed out that with the upheaval in the markets, the pensions that are promised to state workers and teachers will require "massive increases in taxes, especially property taxes for local school districts" because estimates of the revenue needed [to fund the promised pensions] are in the billions, and they will no doubt grow."

Today someone sent me a report advocating a two-year suspension of federal income tax on the gross income arising when a debtor purchases its debt from the creditor for less than the face amount. The report gives an example of a company that owes $100 but that can purchase it back for $75. We're supposed to agree that somehow the $8.25 tax liability arising from the $25 of gross income stands in the way of the company engaging in this buy-back and that somehow if many companies get this tax break not only will they engage in these transactions but by doing so they will restore consumer confidence and confidence in the free marketplace. My guess is that it would restore confidence in the belief that the system can be worked over by whomever is in a position to push through their favorite "for us and for us first" tax break.

That's not all. Friday's paper brought news that former state senator Vincent Fume lost his appeal of the reassesment of his home by the Philadelphia Board of Revision of Taxes. The last time I had written about this on-going story, in Not the Sort of Tax Loss Taxpayers Prefer, the Board was explaining that it had lost the file for Fumo's case. At that time the Board had voted 4-3 to refrain from reassessing Fumo's 27-room mansion, which had an assessment of $250,000 though it was on the market with an asking price of $7 million. After the file problem was somehow handled, the Board met again, one member changed his vote, and Fumo's mansion was assessed at $953,500. Fumo appealed, claiming that was too high a value. At the hearing, Fumo's appraiser testified that he had never been inside the mansion. The saying about not judging a book by its cover comes to mind. On Thursday, the Board met to consider the appeal. With two members absent for medical reasons, the Board voted to reject the appeal, reportedly by a 5-0 vote. Fumo, in the meantime, collapsed during his corruption trial in Federal court, though it is unlikely the news of the Board's decision was the triggering event. The charges include allegations that Fumo used state money and non-profit organization funds to pay for some of the renovations he undertook at the mansion. The house is on the market, at a reduced price of $5.5 million, because Fumo needs to raise funds to pay for his legal defense. The Board's decision can be appealed. The story isn't over.

Like that last story, the tale of this wild 2009 tax policy season is far from complete. It's just beginning. At every level of government, from Congress down to City Councils and local tax assessment boards, tax issues are coming out of the woodwork. In some ways, I'm glad that tax policy is now center stage, though it's too bad it took an economic catastrophe to get it there and even though it must share the stage with other very important issues, including environmental, energy, national security, and health care concerns. The latter arrangement isn't really an obstacle, because these issues are inter-connected, and tax has played and will play a role in dealing with each of them. People need to let their legislators and public officials know what they want the tax system to be, how they want it administered, how they feel about the activities of lobbyists, their reactions to the parade of special interest groups trying to get their particular tax break enacted, and what each proposal would do in terms of their confidence. Without a restoration of confidence, the tax policy game could end up being window dressing in a house of cards. To make their comments valuable, people need to learn about taxes, to read the proposals and not just the advocate's news release, and to study the analyses that have been published by commentators, tax practitioners, and taxpayers on every side of the issue. An informed electorate is a powerful electorate. That's one reason I write. Surely there is no shortage of material about which to write. I'm going to guess that somewhere there was a tax story on Friday somewhere that I missed. That's bound to happen, because I do not read all of the nation's local papers. I'll leave those stories to others.

Several comments have arrived reacting to my post earlier today, Taxing High-Income Individuals. One, from a former student, simply noted that he had "enjoyed" the post. Reading about taxes rarely causes joy, but sometimes it happens!

Another comment came from Mary O'Keefe, who is a public policy economist teaching tax at Union College and coordinating the Union College/Schenectady Department of Social Service VITA site. Today, in Tax Planning for the Rich and Poor, Mary quoted part of my Taxing High-Income Individuals post, and then added the insights and perspectives of someone who is in touch with many taxpayers, none of whom qualify as high-income individuals and almost all of whom face a variety of challenges, procedurally and substantively, from the tax law. Mary brings to the discussion a much-needed look at tax policy in the context of its everyday application to the lives of ordinary people.

Consider the sorts of questions encountered by Mary and people helping the not-so-wealthy with their tax returns. "What will getting married to our taxes?" or "What is negative marginal rate, what does it mean, and will it be with me forever?"

I'll leave it at that. The entire post is well worth reading. I wonder how many tax policy decision makers in Washington, D.C., understand these sorts of questions and concerns. I wonder how many of them understand those questions and concerns. I hope that somehow one or more of those folks make the opportunity to read what Mary has written.

There was an interesting article in this week's Tax Notes. In "What is the Appropriate Tax Base for a Tax on High-Income People," 122 Tax Notes 416 (2009), David Bernstein writes:

Imposing taxes on high-income households can be especially challenging. First, high-income households tend to be fairly adept at arranging their affairs to avoid paying tax. Second, a disproportionate number of high-income households are dual-earner couples that can afford to have one spouse quit his or her current position. Third, high-income households tend to have multiple sources of income and sometimes have the ability to define the form of their own compensation.

Bernstein addresses the question of whether tax rates can be decreased if the tax base with respect to high-income individuals is widened. He explains that social security and Medicare have been funded with taxes imposed only on wages, asks if that base should be expanded, and notes that doing so "could be" politically challenging.

Bernstein draws our attention to several concerns. Each deserves consideration.
The fact that "high-income households tend to be fairly adept at arranging their affairs to avoid paying tax," though true, ought not dissuade Congress and the new Administration from making that adeptness a useless skill. High-income individuals have this adeptness for several reasons. First, they can afford to hire people willing to craft tax avoidance schemes. Second, they can afford to enter into arrangements from which typical taxpayers are excluded because they lack funds. Third, they can afford to contribute huge sums to political campaigns, thus acquiring a louder voice in the democracy than has the typical citizen. Fourth, they benefit from existing tax loopholes, tax breaks, Code complexity, and IRS inability to defend the Treasury.

The answer is simple, though surely unpleasant. Eliminate deductions for tax advice fees. It's bad enough people pay for advice on how to escape civic duty, but it adds salt to the wound to finance those expenditures through a tax deduction. Make it more difficult for these folks to stash their funds into tax shelters by leaving them with fewer dollars to use as tax avoidance tools. In other words, increase the marginal rates on incomes over $1,000,000, ideally in progressive stages. Require total transparency with respect to campaign contributions, revealing the names of those who contribute to PACs, foundations, and other conduits used to funnel money into campaigns, and publish the lists on April 13. Clean up the tax law, removing the loopholes, breaks, and complexities that provide cover for the tax avoidance merchants. Increase funding for the IRS so that it can track down and deal with tax shelter promoters, offshore schemes, fraudulent returns, and other gimmicks used to make a person with high income pay taxes at rates lower than those imposed on the middle and lower income echelons.

The argument that raising taxes on the high-income cohort would backfire because "a disproportionate number of high-income households are dual-earner couples that can afford to have one spouse quit his or her current position," then go for the backfire. So what if the spouse of a multi-millionaire quits a job held for some reason other than supporting the family. Will the economy suffer? No. There's a long line of people who need jobs in order to survive who would be willing to step up and step in.

Indeed, "high-income households tend to have multiple sources of income and sometimes have the ability to define the form of their own compensation." That's one of the problems. Income should be income. Eliminate the various "qualities" attached to specific dollars on account of some label that is difficult to justify. If a person has $10, it can purchase $10 of goods or services whether it came from wages, interest, dividends, property disposition gains, gambling, or any other source of income. Giving a preference to certain income, such as capital gains and dividends, encourages people to play games to make salaries look like capital gains, to make interest look like dividends. Tax alchemy is bad stuff. It brews up economic turmoil.

Bernstein's question about funding social security and Medicare is a good one. The answer depends in part on what those programs are intended to be, which may or may not be the same as what those programs were intended to be. Is social security a retirement plan? Then perhaps it makes sense to fund it through a tax on wages and self-employment income. Or is social security a welfare plan? Then perhaps it makes sense to fund it through a tax on all income. The number of people added to the social security rolls by including those who did not earn wages or sufficient wages costs adds far less to the payouts that would be required than would be the revenue increase generated by taxing all income. Taxing all income would probably permit either a rate reduction, or an employment tax credit for low-income taxpayers, or some combination of the two. Medicare is easier to address. Medicare is health insurance. People get sick and need health care whether or not their income consists or consisted only of wages, or included wages and interest, or did not include wages. Medicare should be funded by a tax on all income. While they're at it, many of the exceptions and limitations can and should be swept away.

A plethora of tough economic questions face the nation. Tax issues abound. The ones highlighted by Bernstein are but a few, but they're an important few. Congress and the Administration need to act, they need to act quickly, they need to act decisively, they need to act sensibly, they need to act free of lobbyist manipulation and control, and they need to act for the well-being of the nation and all of its people. Can they do this? Surely. Will they do this? We'll see.

My Monday post criticizing, among other things, the proposed expansion and extension of bonus depreciation and first-year expensing deductions, Just Because It Didn't Work the First 50 Times Doesn't Mean It Will Work Next Time, brought a response from Robert D. Flach, the Wandering Tax Pro. He pointed me to his post, Here Is Something to Think About. In this post, Bob suggests the elimination of the depreciation deduction for real estate. I agree.

Ask any person who has been in one of my tax courses what they learn about depreciation of real estate, and they will tell you not only that they picked up some understanding of how it is computed, depending on the course, but that they learned the bizarre impact of a deduction that is allowable to a taxpayer even when the taxpayer is becoming wealthier. Deductions should be triggered by a decline in wealth, or out-flow, just as gross income is triggered by in-come. Not all income becomes gross income, and not all out-flow becomes a deduction, but it's flat out silly to permit a deduction to someone on account of a pretensive decline in value of property that has not only failed to decline in value but that has increased in value. Despite the recent stagnation and decline in some real estate prices, chiefly homes, over the long haul, real estate increases in value. Why? The supply is limited and the demand, that is, world population, increases steadily if not exponentially.

It is true that real estate is depreciated under principles that are less generous than those applicable to other property. Real estate depreciation is limited to the straight-line method, whereas accelerated depreciation is available for most other depreciable property. Real estate depreciation is computed using a mid-month, rather than half-year or mid-quarter, convention. Real estate depreciation is computed using periods of time longer than those used for most other depreciable property, even though the periods of time used for real property are significantly shorter than the economic useful lives of buildings. But these differences are misleading. Giving two pounds of cheese to a wealthy person when distributing five pounds of cheese to a poor person when operating a food bank for the hungry doesn't reduce the absurdity of giving free food to someone who is not financially bereft.

Bob asks, "So why do we allow a tax deduction for the depreciation of real estate?" The answer can be given in one word. Lobbying. Many years ago, lobbyists for the real estate industry convinced the Congress that if depreciation deductions were not allowed for real estate, the economy would collapse. They didn't invent this approach. Lobbyists for other industries, such as oil and gas, also used this tactic. Never mind that the real estate industry should have been happy that the increases in real estate value weren't included in gross income as they occurred. After seeing depletion deductions that permit, even to this day, certain extractive industries to deduct their investments many times over, it's no wonder that the real estate industry figured it had to "get ours" before there was no more getting to get. They probably did not expect what happened. Over time, everyone jumped onto the "give us a special tax break or the economy will collapse" bandwagon. Is it any wonder that the tax law is filled with provisions that are not only complicated, usually because of the attempt to restrict the provision to the select group represented by the lobbyist, but also economically untenable, unwise from a policy perspective, and often lacking in common sense?

Real estate not only benefits from disproportionately and unjustifiably favorable deduction principles, it also escapes the worst of the depreciation recapture rules. Whereas gain from the disposition of equipment and other non-realty depreciable property triggers ordinary income to the extent of previous depreciation deductions, the gain on the disposition of real estate is capital gain, either directly or through section 1231, and thus is taxed more favorably than is gain on the disposition of depreciable personalty. Why? I suppose without these special tax breaks, the economy would collapse.

If there is a blessing from the current economic meltdown, it's that it presents a lesson. Tax breaks do not prevent economic collapse. The only exception would be a tax break for truth-telling. What kills the economy is lack of confidence in one's trading partner, whether that partner be a retailer, a loan applicant, a manufacturer, an employer, or a customer. What causes lack of confidence? Lack of confidence is simply lack of trust, and what causes lack of trust is the constellation of deceitful actions, ranging from overhyped products, cooked books, fraudulent receipts, overstated deductions, hidden gross income, embezzled funds, Ponzi transactions, and, yes, lying, including lying about the impact of a tax break on the economy. Of course, I'm being facetious, because there is no way to administer a tax break for truth-telling. Too many people would lie when filling out the tax form that asks if they are truth-tellers. Instead, there need to be powerful disincentives for lying, and those penalties need to be enforced. Otherwise, people lose confidence in those charged with protecting the economy, particularly the government. When lack of confidence spreads from the market-place to the public arena, governance stability is threatened.

Reform needs to begin not only with the elimination of depreciation on property that does not depreciate but also with the other tax breaks that were advertised as economic palliatives and that turned out to be skid-greasing for tax shelters, tax fraud schemes, and financial rip-offs. If real estate or extractive industries, to give two examples of the most egregious beneficiaries of bad tax breaks, are that essential to the economy, they ought to be able to do well iin the absence of government assistance. If the product is good, and delivered truthfully and well, people will manufacture it and people will purchase it. If the service is good, and delivered truthfully and well, people will offer it and people will pay for it.

Someone who commented on Bob's post noted, "On the other hand, the real estate industry thrives on getting as much of a write-off as you can right now and worry about the future later. I doubt you could get political support for that." How true. How sad. Is not one of the underlying cultural problems with the economy the notion that one can have it now and pay later? The people who sell that approach, whether implementing the debt mess that enabled it or preaching the me-generation attitude that nurtured it, owe the country a confession and an apology.

The whole point of my Monday post, Just Because It Didn't Work the First 50 Times Doesn't Mean It Will Work Next Time, is that the time for change, true change, is upon us. Today is the first full day in office for a new Administration. The opportunity exists to implement change or to hang in with more of the same. Undoubtedly the advocates for those who have done well in ways that have hurt most Americans will continue to harp on why they, and their clients, are special and deserve to go straight from the left-turn lane, so to speak. It will take powerful and courageous leadership to look these lobbyists in the eye, publicly, and let it be known that their day in the sun has faded. They had their chance, they cajoled and manuevered the country into doing it their way, and the outcome is painfully obvious. Enough is enough. No more bonus depreciation gimmicks. No more first-year expensing extensions. No more depreciation of assets that are worth more now than when they were acquired. No more multiple deductions for investments. No more supremacy of short-term greed over consideration of long-term cost.

It's Groundhog Day, rerun city, and déjà vu all over again. Ask the Congress come up with a solution to the current economic crisis, and watch it turn to tax provisions that have been dragged out over and over and over as solutions every time an economic warning flag went up during the past two decades. The House Ways and Means Committee has released a summary of its proposed economic recovery package. Among the provisions are expansions of, and increases in, the earned income tax credit, the child credit, the education credits, the first-time home buyer credit, bonus depreciation, first-year expensing, NOL carrybacks, and several of the energy credits, widening of tax-exempt bond availability, and extending some of the existing tax benefits for economically distressed areas to a new category of tax-favored zones. If these sound familiar, that's because similar provisions have been included in some or all of the several dozen major revenue bills enacted during the past 20 years.

To its credit, Congress has tossed a "making work pay" credit into the mix, along with a small expansion of the work opportunity credit. It also has added several non-tax provisions, such as expanding Trade Adjustment Assistance job funding, increasing unemployment compensation, and adding funds to the Temporary Assistance for Needy Families program that focus more directly on the immediate needs of people in economic distress. But these proposals are, in the grand scheme of things, relatively minor.

Does it make sense to increase deductions for acquistions of equipment? How does that restore confidence in the economy, which is essential to putting the nation back on track. How does a tax provision that encourages businesses to use their limited funds to buy machinery put people in this country back to work? Nothing in the provision requires that the property be built in the United States, and it's almost certain that such a requirement would violate at least a few trade agreements and treaties. What's the point of enacting tax breaks that create jobs in other nations? Dollar-for-dollar, a tax break for creating jobs directly is worth much more than a tax break for purchasing equipment.

With the nation's economy in rampant turmoil, does it make sense to turn to the same shop-worn provisions that came with promises of outstanding national economic performance that failed to materialize behind the façade of debt-driven unaffordable consumption? Advocates of these provisions argue that they give businesses an incentive to create jobs, but if that were the case, why hasn't unemployment dropped while previous increases and expansions of bonus depreciation and first-year expensing were being increased?

What Congress is proposing to do is more of the same. It didn't work last time around. Why would it work now? Sometimes persistence is a virtue. Other times it is foolishness.

The answer is simple. The things that need to be done are neither palatable nor easy to explain. Dishing out more tax breaks that are easy to explain and promise relief with no sacrifice sell better when election day rolls around. The depreciation provisions, including bonus depreciation and first-year expensing, have contributed to the current economic mess by allowing taxpayers to compute taxable income as though their economic position declined when in fact it remained the same or improved. Packaged into tax shelters, LILO deals, tax-exempt leasing arrangements, and other devices that contribute to the tax gap, these provisions ought not be considered remedies for the very economic diseases that they have caused and aggravated.

If, indeed, it is time for change, Congress should be given that message and understand it. Change does not mean doing something over and over when it hasn't worked and shows no signs of working. Just as consumers need to abandon the bad habit of spending beyone one's means and borrowing beyone one's ability to repay, Congress needs to break its bad habit of using the tax code as a vote generator. The likelihood of Congress embracing genuine change and doing more than giving lip service to the concept remains, unfortunately, very low. Its recalcitrance may prove to be one of the most difficult obstacles to the incoming Administration's success in solving the mess in which we find ourselves.

Years ago, one of our then adjunct professors in the Graduate Tax Program told me a story about a taxpayer who thought he could outsmart the IRS by taking advantage of his church. This adjunct was an attorney who had recently retired from the IRS, and as best as I could tell either was involved in the case or knew the people who handled it. The taxpayer's return had been selected for audit because the charitable contribution deduction was quite high, particularly considering the taxpayer's modest income. When asked about the deduction, the taxpayer produced cancelled checks payable to his church that pretty much matched the deduction that had been claimed. Somehow the IRS made contact with the pastor of the church in question. The pastor confirmed that the taxpayer was a member, and when asked if he was indeed such a generous contributor, the pastor provided a damning explanation. The taxpayer had approached the pastor and expressed concern about the cash accumulated from the Sunday collections being left in the rectory. He offered an arrangement. He would write a check payable to the church in exchange for the cash collected during the Sunday services. The rest, as they say, was history. The taxpayer was charged with tax fraud, and some sort of deal was arranged. That is why, I suppose, that there's no official account of the tale. There is a slightly different version of the story in A Very Interesting Question, written by Robert D. Flach, known also as the Wandering Tax Pro. As best as I can tell, the pastor had no clue that the taxpayer was motivated by something other than security concerns.

Why no tax deduction for the payments to the church? It's not a charitable deduction unless it is, among other things, a gift. There is no gift if the taxpayer receives something in exchange for what is transferred to the tax-exempt organization. The rule is that there must not be a quid pro quo. Does a legal principle seem much more authoritative when it is expressed in Latin?

Now comes another story involving a church, and a taxpayer using its unknowing parishioners in a scheme to defraud the federal government. According to a news release from the Southern District of Florida, the federal government has arrested and indicted a tax return preparer on 24 counts of making and presenting fraudulent refund claims against the United States. According to the indictment and statements made in court, early in 2008 the defendant offered free tax return preparation to the members of a church in Westchester, Florida. Numerous parishioners took him up on the offer. Without telling them, the defendant included false deductions and credits on the returns, generating more than $84,000 in false refund claims. The defendant diverted part of the refunds to his personal bank account without telling the parishioners. I suppose his thinking was as follows. So long as the parishioners receive the refunds that they would have received had accurate returns been filed, they're not being deprived of anything by the defendant's actions. In other words, he wasn't stealing from them. But he was stealing. From whom? Many would respond, "From the government." But they're wrong. He's stealing from us, from you, from me, from people who pay taxes expecting that the money will go somewhere other than into the pocket of a tax return preparer through the filing of false claims.

One question did pop into my brain. Would not at least one of the parishioners look at the return before signing it, and then notice that the refund deposited into his or her bank account was less than the amount on the return? Would not at least one of the parishioners look at the return and notice deductions and credits that were inconsistent with the parishioner's financial situation? Imagine a childless taxpayer noticing a claim for the adoption credit. Imagine a renter noticing a claim for a mortgage interest deduction. But perhaps the answer lies in the general tax illiteracy of the American population, as reflected in the results of an H&R Block survey noted in Americans Failing Taxes 101. The less involved Americans are in their own tax reporting, the less likely they are to notice errors and preparer fraud, the less likely they are to understand their actual tax liability and the effect of their decisions on tat tax liability, the les likely they are to realize the impact of tax policy on their lives, and the less capable they will be of participating as citizens in public discourse about taxes that reaches beyond trite sound bites. Tax fraud is not sacred, but a citizen's obligation to understand taxes is no less sacred than the citizenship to which it is attached.