Relax, it's not news. It was the subject heading of an email that I received from a former student, Nakul Krishnakumar, who keeps a close eye on what I write. In his email he sent a request. It's a scary one, but let's go along with him:
If someone were to make you President for a day, what would your tax policy be? In other words, if you were to be tasked with re-writing the tax code, what would our tax code look like? Obviously, I've heard/read various proposals that you have, but I wanted to know what your policy would be if you were given the chance to come up with a comprehensive plan. Would the tax code be progressive or regressive? Would there be a capital gains tax? Would you allow for deductions? How about a national sales tax? I'm pretty sure you would have a fuel tax!
I think that might be an interesting discussion ...
I suppose, since the odds of my being made President are about equal to the odds of my becoming Commissioner of Baseball, there's no harm in responding to Nakul's inquiry. In other words, I doubt anything I say will positively or negatively affect those odds (for either position!)
As I mentioned to Nakul privately, a full and complete response to his questions would require a treatise. I'm not about to do that, even though, as many know, the temptation is strong. Instead, I will try to explain how my taxation philosophy would manifest itself in a tax structure.
I begin with three ideas. First, by taxation I mean government revenue generation. In other words, whether something is called a tax or something else isn't critical, other than, perhaps, in the practical world of politics. So, for me, taxation includes user fees, tolls, taxes, and even, yes, "revenue enhancements" for those who remember how that creative phrase entered the public policy lexicon. Second, there is a distinction between federal and state (and local taxation) and it is important, and necessary, to consider those differences in responding to Nakul's question. Third, government revenue ought to be collected for one purpose, and one purpose only, and that is to fund the legitimate purposes of government.
My first idea probably doesn't trigger much controversy. My second idea is pretty much unavoidable and pretty much states the obvious. My third idea, however, certainly does open up a debate. Until and unless society agrees to the scope of "legitimate purposes of government" there is no firm foundation on which to construct a tax system. Even the purposes that seemingly are "easy" to define can generate disagreement. For example, national defense may not find advocates among genuine "turn the other cheek" pacifists. Environmental protection and regulation by the government does not find 100 percent support among voters. Maintaining the life and health of the economically disadvantaged is viewed by many as a business for the private sector and not government at any level, and some others consider it the bailiwick of state and local governments but not the federal government. I am not going to answer these questions. They are not tax questions. They are public policy questions. They ought not be decided as part of drafting the tax law. In other words, once the people, through democratic processes, agree that a government (federal, state, or local) ought to do X, Y, and Z, then the question of how the funds can, and if so, should, be raised sets up the tax policy issues.
I favor user fees, and thus government functions that can be funded through user fees ought to be so funded. For example, if the nation decides that the government should be responsible for the construction, protection, and maintenance of airports, highways, tunnels, bridges, and other facilities, the cost should be borne by the users. There is one caveat. To the extent that the users are financially disadvantaged, the question of whether they should be exempt naturally comes to mind. The answer is simply this: a user fee is an expense of life, just as the cost of groceries, clothing, and rent are expense of life. If the nation agrees that there is a valuable societal benefit in shielding the financially disadvantages from the ravages of poverty, user fees would be included with the other expense of life in determining how and to what extent society, through government, can and should step in to supplement or nurture improvements in the financial status of the poor, whether through grants, education assistance, job placement, or business development.
One of the tricky parts of user fees is the question of "who is the user?" It's easy when it comes to crossing a bridge. It's far more difficult when it comes to other functions, such as providing a public education. Is the user the child attending a public school? The parents of the child who attends public school? The employees who can hire graduates of the school without needing to provide the training that the school has provided (assuming it's doing its job, which is another, though related, issue)? Is it society, which benefits from the education of the electorate? If it is, as I think it is, society, the second tricky part of user fees arises. It's fairly easy to calculate the cost of crossing the bridge, at least for the engineers and cost accountants who sit down together to do the computations. It's almost, if not, impossible, to calculate the cost imposed by each citizen's "use" of the public school system. Thus, some other form of revenue generation must be found.
And so, leaving out the many chapters of the treatise that would carve citizen-approved government purposes into those sensibly funded by a user fee and those needing to be funded by some other revenue source, I'll turn next to what those other sources might be. In doing so, I am getting a little closer to answering the specific questions in Nakul's inquiry. What I'm also going to omit, for the most part, is the determination of which government (federal, state, or local, or some combination) ought to provide a specific governmental purpose activity and thus seek revenue to fund it. Traditionally, public education is provided by state and local governments, although federal funding is significant. The states use property taxes, income taxes, other taxes, and combinations, whereas the federal financial inputs pretty much come from the federal income tax. Without getting into the debate over the appropriateness or Constitutional legality of a federal property tax, and without trying to lock states into a tax structure that mimics the federal tax structure, I will describe non-user-fee revenue generation in terms not necessarily limited to federal taxation but reflecting federal taxation as the primary consideration.
Once user fees have been determined for those government activities appropriately funded by user fees, the choices left fits into several categories. There are status taxes, such as a tax on wealth (annually or at a specific time, such as an estate tax) or a segment of wealth (e.g., a real property tax). There are transaction taxes, such as a tax on retail sales (either in full or on specified items), a tax on financial transfers, a tax on net increases in wealth (such as an income tax), a tax on the making of gifts, a tax on transfers of property (such as real property realty transfer taxes), a tax on the value added to the economy by a particular activity of manufacturing or providing services (e.g., a VAT), a tax on the transmission of property at death (such as an inheritance tax), a tax on gross receipts (again, on all gross receipts, on business gross receipts, or on specified types of gross receipts). There are consumption taxes, such as a tax on the burning of fuel, a tax on the purchase of items for consumption, or a tax on the disposition of waste into a landfill. Some of these taxes, such as a tax on landfill deposits, are not all that different from a user fee. In many respects, a consumption tax is a user fee, reflecting the cost to society of a person's or a business' use of what ultimately is a natural resource.
As a practical matter, the types of taxes that get the most attention when federal tax reform is discussed are a sales tax, a consumption tax, a VAT, an income tax, an estate tax, and a gift tax. There are hybrids. There are all sorts of variation in the specific details. Selecting one sort of tax rather than another may appear to be a matter of general conceptual policy, but the details are what provide the salvation or the death writ. Details can make a seemingly unworkable tax work, or make a sensible tax a disgrace.
Again, I begin with a basic principle. It makes no sense to adopt a variety of taxes that do not mesh well together. It makes no sense, for example, to tax both wealth and income, because a sensible system either taxes the wealth as it is generated (an income-type tax), or at specified points in time while it is being held or transferred (an estate tax, a property tax, etc.) Combinations become defensible when a flaw in one tax creates the need for a backstop. The gift tax is an example of such a backstop, for it makes the estate tax effective, by foreclosing most tax-free lifetime transfers that would shrink the estate tax base. Unfortunately, imperfections in that meshing is part of what taxpayers pay estate planners to exploit.
The estate tax, as I've noted in other posts, would not be necessary if the income tax did not permit unrealized gains to go untaxed during lifetime
and at death, and if gift transfers did not escape income taxation. The "a little of this" and "some of that" approach to taxation, as in cooking, is just as likely to generate slop as it is to brew up a delightful stew. Perhaps Nakul's basic inquiry reflects his understanding that the odds of getting a tasteful dinner when multiple chefs are messing with the ingredients are slim, indeed.
In the end, the sales tax does not earn points because it imposes the cost of government on the very activities in which people need to engage in order to live the lives that government exists to protect and defend. Existing sales taxes are regressive, and designing them to be progressive, though possible, would be unduly complex. Even as so designed, reliance on a sales tax would shift the cost of government onto those least able to pay, relatively speaking.
The VAT strikes me as ultimately counter-productive. Government and society
want citizens and businesses to add to the value of the nation's economy. Because taxes act as brakes on economic growth, it makes little sense to impose a tax on those activities that are building up the nation's economic strength. It is possible for a person to add far more value to the economy through an activity than the person receives from that activity, unless, of course, the VAT is passed along to the next person or business in line. Ultimately, the VAT becomes a differently-measured sales tax, with variances in the timing of the imposition.
Consumption taxes present similar conundrums. Consumption taxes act as brakes on consumption, which isn't good for the economic well being of a nation dependent on the economic well being of its businesses and citizens who produce goods and services for consumption. But, wait, perhaps consumption taxes acting as a brake
would be good, because we are told that too much consumption and insufficient savings is bad for the nation's economic well-being. So perhaps a consumption tax could be used not only as a revenue raiser but also as a throttle providing a means to nudge consumption up and down, though that power would be more efficiently exercised by the Fed or a similar board than by a Congress that has demonstrated little, if any, understanding of how public finance can and should function.
But consumption taxes, like sales taxes, are regressive. Perhaps the consumption that harms the economy is not all consumption but excess consumption. So perhaps a consumption tax ought to be imposed on consumption in excess of a particular dollar amount, in the nature of some sort of luxury consumption tax. But that would require record keeping almost as burdensome as that required by the current income tax. And surely consumption of products manufactured outside the country does not return as much to the national economy as does consumption of products manufactured within the country. So perhaps a consumption tax ought to be imposed on the consumption of imported products. Unfortunately, some things necessary for life cannot be consumed unless they are purchased from a person who has imported them because they're not manufactured in this nation.
Another problem with consumption taxes is that it shifts the cost of government away from those who hold investments. Although a consumption tax is an incentive to save, it is not an incentive for someone who inherits wealth without having had to generate it, and who needs to consume only a small fraction of the wealth in order to meet life's needs. The consumption tax entrenches the haves, and leaves economic power in the hands of a few rather than in the hands of the many, where it must be for a democracy to function well. After all, a democracy functions best when each citizen has a stake in the nation's economic well-being and encounters an economic and tax system that fortifies the protection of that stake.
Oh, I'm very good, it seems, at trashing just about every tax that isn't a user fee. But there are two major types of taxes still to consider. One is the income tax. The other is the wealth tax.
Both the income tax and the wealth tax can be designed to provide controlling throttles for consumption and to place the burden of the cost of government on those whose ability to pay reflects the benefit that the nation's economy, as protected and nurtured by the government, has provided to those with ability to pay. The undesirable structure is one that combines a bit of one and a bit of the other.
Using a wealth tax to generate revenue is less attractive than using an income tax. Imposition of a tax on wealth poses the risk that the taxpayer would need to liquidate an investment at the wrong time in order to generate cash to pay the tax. Imposing the tax only at death poses cash flow problems for the Treasury. Imposing the tax annually raises a variety of valuation issues, probably dwarfing those that bedevil state and local governments that impose real property taxes.
Using an income tax makes sense if income is appropriately defined to reflect increases in wealth. Of course, one can measure increases in wealth by measuring wealth at the beginning and at the end of a period, and then comparing the two. That approach, however, poses the same problem as does the wealth measurement aspect of a wealth-based tax. However, increases in wealth can be measured indirectly, by tracking income and what I will call outgo. Of course, this sort of measurement does not account for valuation increases that arise from market changes, at least not until something is done that fixes that increase in value as something more than speculative. If an income tax base is measured by subtracting certain outgo from income, the income tax also can serve as a luxury consumption tax without the need to track consumption expenditures.
So, I'm back at an income tax, though I'd design it very differently. Again, without writing a Code, even though it would be shorter than what now exists, I will outline the main features of such a tax.
Income would include income, with very few exclusions. It ought not matter whether the income is from wages, employment benefits, pensions, annuities, life insurance, dividends, interest, rents, royalties, gains from the disposition of property, or other sources. Taxing dividends means, of course, that corporate income would be taxed twice. Does it make sense to impose a second level of tax simply because the business is conducted in the form of a C corporation and not a partnership, LLC, or S corporation? Perhaps, if one wants to laugh at those who didn't know any better, or dish out "serves 'em right" if there were tax-savings motivations for forming a C corporation that didn't pan out. Unless one imposes a flow-through regime on C corporations, corporate income that is not distributed would not be taxed unless there were a corporate-level tax. Just as important, dividends paid to tax-exempt persons and entities would escape taxation if there were no corporate-level tax. The second problem is more easily solved, namely, taxing tax-exempt persons and entities with respect to dividends paid from income earned by corporations within the jurisdictional reach of the United States government. The first problem is more challenging. Ultimately, so long as the other tax escape routes for corporate earnings are foreclosed, the undistributed income of the corporation will be taxed when the shareholder's stock is sold, redeemed, or canceled upon corporate liquidation. It's a timing problem. Perhaps the solution, a bit complicated, is to impose a corporate earnings tax on undistributed income, and to allow that tax as a credit when the sale, redemption, or liquidation generates income at a later time.
Surely the arguments that taxing interest income, or dividend income, or gains from the disposition of property would hurt the economy or is somehow unfair have been made and would be repeated in response to my approach. Considering that someone once put together the top 80 or so arguments in favor of special treatment for capital gains and the top 80 or so arguments against such special treatment, it would be inefficient to repeat those analyses. Suffice it to say that the only thing of which I have been persuaded is to index basis so that the gain from the disposition of property is real gain and not imaginary inflation reflections. And, of course, the disposition of property at death, by will or otherwise, would be a disposition subject to income tax.
Why include life insurance? Because it is income, at least to the extent it exceeds the amount paid for it. Won't this make life miserable for the "widows and orphans"? No. After taking into account the proposed deduction/credit for outgo required for poverty-level existence (or some multiple thereof), the poor orphans would not be taxed, but the ones hauling in tens of millions of dollars from "super life insurance trusts" would no longer get treated by the tax law as if they were "poor orphans" in need of an exclusion.
What of retirement plans? There is societal value in having a citizenry so financially well prepared for retirement that social security becomes totally or almost totally unnecessary. Rather than encouraging a proliferation of various plans in a complex maze of sometimes inconsistent provisions, the tax law should simply provide that up to $x of contributions to retirement are untaxed (excluded from gross income if done by the employer, deductible if done by the employee). Whether $x ought to reflect income, or, as I prefer, be set at an amount (adjusted for inflation) that will generate a "sufficient" retirement income can be debated. And, yes, retirement income would be taxed because it very well could exceed the "sufficient" level because of additional amounts set aside by taxpayers willing and able to do so.
What of gifts? The transfer of property would be treated as a realization event and thus the gain would be included in income. What of nonrecognition provisions? I'm not yet certain that I would retain more than just a few of them. They are invitations to abuse, to the structuring of transactions that would not otherwise be conducted, and in many instances far more generous than they need to be, offering protection from taxation in instances where the justified rationale does not apply.
As for outgo, there would be two basic deductions. One would be for the expense of producing the income. In other words, I reject gross receipts taxes, which are one of the most perfidious exactions imposed by state and local governments except in those instances where gross receipts is a proper measure of a user fee, but I've yet to see such a situation. The other would be a deduction (or perhaps a credit) that would reflect the wisdom of not imposing a tax on those whose incomes were barely sufficient to live life. Whether that amount should be equal to (or be a credit amount equivalent to the amount equal to) the poverty level or a greater percentage thereof is a detail that I've not yet fully pondered. Perhaps, because all citizens ought to contribute
something to the cost of government, a small ($10) tax ought to be imposed on taxable incomes under the cutoff, and a very low rate imposed on taxable income above the cutoff but below, say 125% of the cutoff.
There would be no depreciation on real property. Business real property so rarely goes down in value over the long-term that those few instances where it does so would be taken into account when the property is sold for a loss. Depreciation on personalty used in generating income would be computed over five years. Period. Arbitrary? Yes. Simple? Yes. Sensible? Yes. Most equipment currently is depreciated over a period equal to or nearly equal to five years. Equipment that currently is depreciated over longer periods is heavy duty infrastructure, investment in which ought to be encouraged because it provides the goose that lays the income egg for the national economy.
Oh, wait, cry the charities. With no deduction for charitable contributions, people will give less to charity. Well, if that's true, it tells us a lot, doesn't it, about the American people. Of course, the allegation is not true. People give to charity because they are theologically driven, morally compelled, or just flat-out nice. Think of all the charitable contributions that are made by people who don't itemize deductions and get no tax benefit. If, in fact, the government needs to bribe people with tax deductions in order to get them to give to charity, perhaps we should just close up shop and go home. With this plan's reduction in tax rates, people may "feel" more generous and even increase giving.
Of course, no surprise, when it comes to rates, all taxable income is taxed under a rate schedule. There is no special rate for capital gains. That alone takes about 30 percent of the current tax law and trashes it. Also trashed are all the social policy provisions that ought to be in some other law, if indeed the citizens think that the federal government should be providing financial assistance to particular individuals or communities or to those who engage in particular activities. I understand that the Congress, which consistently criticizes the IRS, has a habit of demonstrating its true thoughts about that particular federal agency by putting into the tax law provisions that deal with matters that are within the purview of other federal agencies because the IRS appears to be more capable of administering these programs, but it's time for Congress to demand of the other agencies the same sort of competence that it attributes to the IRS when it turns to the IRS to handle its pet project of the week.
This approach permits lowering the tax rates. The base would be broadened, and thus rates could be reduced. I would not make the plan revenue neutral for the simple reason that doing so would perpetuate the current revenue shortfall built into the federal budget by the deficiencies of the current income tax law. Thus, the budget deficits that have arisen could be reduced, perhaps with a trigger that lowers the income tax rates when the deficit is eliminated. Even so, the rates would be so much lower that there would be much less incentive to play tax shelter games. When's the last time someone trying to work around a 5 or 10 percent state income tax made the news?
Finally, there is the matter of credits. Of course the credits for taxes withheld (and I'd withhold on all income payments exceeding $500, not just wages and certain other payments) and estimated tax payments would be retained. The "poverty level" deduction probably would end up as a credit, because the arguments for making it a credit rather than a deduction are very strong. Should that credit be refundable? Yes, and it could serve therefore as an expanded version of the current earned income tax credit, which ought not be as limited as it is (for under present law it has become an incentive for fraud, is difficult to administer, and baffles almost all the taxpayers it is designed to assist).
This is a fairly straight-forward plan. Granted, I've not jumped into a lot of issues that would need further discussion, such as international transactions. The point of this already-too-long essay is to give Nakul (and others) a big picture of how I would approach the tax reform question. It should be rather apparent that I'd come at this with a totally different perspective than did the Tax Reform Panel, even though it was operating under stated (but unfulfilled) objectives that are the same as those that energize my approach. And thus I reach a different result, one far more simple, imbued with far more fairness, and with at least as much a chance, if not more, to maintain a healthy economy.
However, like the Tax Reform Panel report, this short essay serves as a nice catalyst for conversation and discussion, but is otherwise worth little, if anything. Neither will get to, or through the Congress in any form, other than Congressional cherry-picking of revenue raisers in the Tax Reform Panel report. Both, if introduced in some legislative form, would attract every tax-seeking "I'm special" hornet intent on stinging it with its particular "my tax break cannot be touched" venom.
Remember, Nakul asked what I would do if I were President for a day.
He didn't ask what I would do if I were Emperor for a day.