Now that the summer sojourn is over, and I've returned from journeys in places where Internet access is neither as available or as inexpensive as it is here, I can turn my attention to a variety of topics that made their way into my consciousness even though I was far away. I'm taking them in no particular order, neither alphabetical nor chronological.
Today I turn to an issue that brings out the worst in the tax law. It's the tax treatment of so-called carried interests. To put that in English, it's the question of what tax rate should apply to the money that someone earns for performing services, when that money is paid in the form of a partnership interest that can be "cashed out" at some time after the services are performed. Because of quirks and disjointness in the way partnerships and partners are taxed, people being paid to provide services to hedge funds, investment services enterprises, and similar operations are being taxed long after they are compensated with partnership interests and at those special low tax rates applicable to capital gains. In the meantime, people performing services for factory owners, service station owners, hospitals, fire and police organizations, fast food outlets, and other enterprises are taxed when they paid and at regular tax rates. Even the service station owner, fast food entrepreneur, and factory mogul are taxed at regular tax rates on the profits they generate from running a trade or business. I wonder how many of them know what is going on, and understand the realities that lie underneath all the arguments and spin being offered in defense of an unjustifiable situation. So I add one more item to the list of reasons that some basic tax policy ought to be taught in high school.
The outcry over this discrepancy has climbed to a crescendo during this past summer. Critics have made their voices heard, and proposals for "fixing" the problem, chiefly the flaw in the partnership taxation structure, have been advanced. For example, several members of Congress introduced
this proposed legislation. Defenders of the status quo, initially caught off guard, have marshaled their resources and are lobbying the Congress most furiously, throwing time and money into preservation of a totally unjustified tax break. Even a few folks who seemingly have no stake in the matter have spoken or written in favor of special low tax rates for hedge fund managers. Oh, if you haven't figured out by this point where I stand on the matter, I'll give a hint with a question. What is it that hedge fund managers and others of that ilk do that entitles them to being taxed on compensation at rates far lower than those applicable to the compensation of other workers and sole proprietors?
To be fair, hedge fund managers and their advisors aren't doing anything legally or technically wrong. The tax law is flawed, and it leaves open an opportunity for what the hedge fund managers and their advisors have done and are doing. That flaw was not created by the hedge fund managers or their advisors. It exists because Congress tried to make everyone happy when it enacted, and continued to amend, the partnership taxation structure, without thinking through to the end the consequences of what it put into the statute. Surely the hedge fund managers and their advisors should get high grades for detecting the opportunity and taking advantage of what Congress carelessly provided. But now that the tax defect has been identified, it's time to fix it.
Congress, to its credit, has been holding hearings on the issue. It took testimony on
July 12 and on
July 31. In fact, more testimony is scheduled for
tomorrow. Statements by some witnesses and by a few members of Congress suggest that they don't truly understand the justifications for the existence of special low tax rates on capital gains or, more importantly, why those special low rates ought not apply to a person's compensation income. A very good explanation of the "sentimental sophistry" in their reasoning can be found in the
testimony of Professor Darryll K. Jones, a rising bright star in the world of partnership taxation.
The arguments raised by supporters of this unintended tax break range from the erroneous to the misleading. A helpful summary has been presented by the Citizens for Tax Justice in
"Myths and Facts about Private Equity Fund Managers — and the Tax Loophole They Enjoy".
Consider
this argument from the National Venture Capital Association (NVCA): "But the reality is this is always the way it's been. We basically say, It's worked for years, so why change it?" The answer is simple. Because it's wrong. It wasn't intended, it isn't the sort of activity that comes within the protective mantle of capital gains taxation, even if one is to accept, arguendo, that there should be special low tax rates on capital gains.
The NVCA also claims that taxing compensation at regular tax rates would discourage innovation. Really? If that's true, then ought not scientists, medical researchers, space shuttle engineers, highway bridge designers, and just about everyone else whose creativity and intellectual skills contribute to society, often contributing far more than some fund manager sitting at a desk shuffling other people's money does, get a similar tax break? Are we somehow to conclude that those folks aren't innovative and that the only innovation taking place is whatever it is that investment services advisors and hedge fund managers are supposedly contributing, when in fact it's their clients who are coming up with the few truly good ideas that have come out of the tens of thousands of wild ideas that have been financed with venture capital?
Then there is the old chestnut, the
"changing our good deal will destroy the economy" argument. Used almost annually by the real estate industry to justify such things as depreciation of appreciating buildings and treatment of nonrecourse debt as recourse debt for at-risk purposes, the not-so-veiled and pipe-dream threat often succeeds in getting members of Congress to cave in to some special interest. Eventually every special interest will get special low tax rates, leaving the bulk of the tax burden to fall on the not-so-special interests. Of course, since (and I say this sarcastically) all of us are special, there won't be anyone left to tax at regular rates. The reason the "economy will suffer" argument is such nonsense is that the taxation of ALL compensation at regular tax rates will not stop the planet from rotating and will not stop people from doing their jobs. In other words, life will go on and the economy will continue to function. It is interesting how special interest groups not only consider themselves deserving of special treatment but somehow conclude that their presence on the planet is the sina qua non of everything good that happens to anyone. What nonsense.
Another argument, that fixing the flaw and taxing the compensation of hedge fund executives at regular rates would damage pension plans,
has been refuted by the pension funds themselves. One would think that, for all their alleged brilliance, these super-special low-taxed employees would have touched base with the pension fund experts.
Two other arguments are suggested in this
Wall Street Journal article. One is that there's not much revenue involved and the other is that Congress has other, more important things to do. To the first, I respond that every bit helps, and that the message sent by a Congress countenancing special low tax rates on the compensation of a select few further distances itself from an increasingly frustrated population. To the second, I respond that all of us have long "to do" lists and the Congress is quite capable of getting its work done if the members truly wish to do so. The second argument isn't very different from one that advocates letting bank robbers run wild because the police have too many homicides to handle.
What do these selected special few do with their tax savings? Apparently they
contribute to the campaigns of members of Congress. These are partisan supporters. They send money to politicians of every party and every persuasion. They don't care who protects their tax break, and they're willing to pay. Considering the Administration's reluctance to support reform, the President being
"very, very hesitant" to make changes, I wonder if this is the sort of political atmosphere that it prefers and that it is trying to export abroad.
Very little of what I've written is ground-breaking, and perhaps none of it is. While I was away, more than a few tax faculty chimed in on the issue. As Victor Fleischer points out in
"The Academic Consensus on Carried Interest ", there is an "academic consensus" on the question. I find myself in agreement with a group of faculty whose perspectives are all over the tax policy spectrum, including some with whom I sometimes disagree on other matters. When the academic tax community is this much in agreement, it speaks volumes about the need for reform. As Victor points out, there's no unanimity in the mechanics of the reform, but once the competent put their minds together it ought not take long to work out the details. I would require inclusion in compensation income, taxed at regular rates, of the value of what is received, and if it cannot be valued, I'd require that the taxable year be held open until the interest is sold, liquidated, gifted, or passed at death, at which point I'd have the tax for the earlier year recomputed, and then paid, with interest, by the recipient or the recipient's estate.
But the academics are not unanimous in calling for reform. One academic who has come out
in favor of the current special low tax rates on hedge fund managers, obtained
funding for the research from the Private Equity Council. Another academic, a person I know and hold in high regard,
points out that he addressed the subject in "The Taxation of Carried Interests, 116 Tax Notes 183," in which he addresses the "practical difficulties" that reform would generate. He notes that communication between tax academics and tax practitioners has declined significantly, an observation with which I agree, asserting that "these academics really don’t know much about what lawyers do." Yet the fact that some tax practitioners are, as he points out, "intellectual and curious" doesn't mean that the deals they cook up are appropriate or deserve a Congressional imprimatur. The proposal that I offer in the preceding paragraph deals with the practical problem of valuation in a manner not unlike that used in other areas of the tax law where valuation might otherwise be an obstacle. I'm simply not persuaded that there are any insurmountable practical problems, and if there is a challenge in making a transition to appropriate taxation of compensation, that's a small price to be paid for an unwarranted tax break that has been enjoyed for far too long. What might be impractical is going back and collecting the taxes that would have been paid had the compensation been taxed all along at regular compensation rates, so perhaps the advocates of this unjustifiable special tax break ought to consider seriously the risk of facing truly impractical legislative reactions.
Of course, all of the reform proposals, including mine, merely deal with a symptom. The issue would not exist if there were no special low tax rates for capital gains. To its credit, the
Wall Street Journal article calls for the same genuine reform that I've advocated for more than three decades. Abolish the special low tax rates on capital gains. Those rates account for almost one-third of the Internal Revenue Code, as the Congress has had to apply piecemeal fixes to a bad idea gone very wrong. It is true, as some defenders of the tax break for hedge fund managers claim, surely some other arrangement will be structured that uses some other flaw in the tax law to turn ordinary income into capital gains. In the long-run, until and unless Congress repeals special low tax rates for capital gains, we will continue to learn about new and improved mechanisms for giving a select few an unintended tax break, we will continue to read and write about the outrage and the call for reform, we will continue to listen to the defenders of the unintended tax break hail its importance to the economy and all that is good, and we will continue to ride a never-ending tax circle. So I doubt this is the last word I will have to say on the issue.