For example, in the CNN Report with the grammatically incorrect but attention-getting headline of “Why you pay taxes, and rich Americans -- like Donald Trump -- don't always have to,” Anna Bahney asks, “How is it that a millionaire can pay hardly any income taxes -- or none at all -- while most people, earning far less, owe more?” Among her explanation is this quote from Frank Clemente, executive director of Americans for Tax Fairness: “Real estate professionals are able to claim losses from depreciation of their properties. Even if the property value goes up, because the building located on the property depreciates, it reduces tax liability.”
As I wrote in The Parade of Tax Horribles Never Ends, “The depreciation deduction is not one of my favorites. Too often, it permits taxpayers to report, and pay tax on, a taxable income amount that is much less than the taxpayer’s economic profit.” Anyone who browses my MauledAgain commentary, or who has been reading them as they’ve been published, notices that my complaints about the depreciation deduction appear at least once a year. Why? Because every time we blink, the folks who benefit the most from the depreciation deduction, use some of their resources to persuade the Congress to expand the scope of the deduction to reach even more properties. They claim that doing this for them will make the economy better, though that’s not the case, and of course, any attempt to rein in this ill-conceived deduction is met with claims that cutting back on it will destroy the economy.
More than eleven years ago, in Instead of More Favorable Depreciation Deductions, Eliminate Them?, reacting to proposals to expand depreciation, I pointed out “the bizarre impact of a deduction that is allowable to a taxpayer even when the taxpayer is becoming wealthier.” I explained, “Deductions should be triggered by a decline in wealth, or out-flow, just as gross income is triggered by in-come. Not all income becomes gross income, and not all out-flow becomes a deduction, but it's flat out silly to permit a deduction to someone on account of a pretensive decline in value of property that has not only failed to decline in value but that has increased in value.” Reacting to those who justify depreciation of buildings that increase in value by pointing out the less favorable depreciation rates applicable to real property, I tagged the differences as misleading, noting that “Giving two pounds of cheese to a wealthy person when distributing five pounds of cheese to a poor person when operating a food bank for the hungry doesn't reduce the absurdity of giving free food to someone who is not financially bereft.”
At about the same time, in Abolish Real Estate Depreciation Deduction? An Idea Gathers Attention, I offered this analysis:
As the debate over an economic recovery stimulus package continues, the idea of eliminating a deduction that is inconsistent with economic reality may find more advocates. Tax breaks ought not be extended to those who don't need them. Casualty loss deductions don't exist for taxpayers who have not endured casualties, trade or business deductions are not allowed to taxpayers who are not carrying on a trade or business, interest deductions aren't provided to those who are not in debt, and thus depreciation deductions ought not be permitted for properties that aren't depreciating.Five years ago, in The Parade of Tax Horribles Never Ends, I wrote, “It’s time to limit depreciation to the economic decline in the value of the property. If it remains acceptable to provide deductions for economic losses that haven’t happened and that may never happen, perhaps it’s time to tax future economic gains that haven’t happened and that may never happen. Imagine the outcry.”
So to the extent that Donald J. Trump’s low taxes are attributable to depreciation deductions claimed on real estate that has increased in value – and I doubt that this accounts for more than a small portion of his “tax saving” strategy – he is not to blame, except to the extent he contributed to the funding of the lobbyists who pushed for continuation and expansion of depreciation deductions for real property and to the funding of campaigns waged by Congressional candidates who support the deduction in order to gather campaign contributions and votes. The American people are responsible for who sits in the Congress, so to the extent the American people are repulsed by the idea of letting real estate owners reduce their taxes through the use of an unjustified deduction, they can vote for legislators who support ending this unnecessary economic lifeline to people being given tx breaks while their real properties increase in value.